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y  Cpmmrodon 


THE      MAGAZINE 


OP    THE    HONOURABLE 


SOCIETY  OF  CYMMRODORION 


40 
VOL.    XL. 


LONDON : 

ISSUED    BY    THE    SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  64,  CHANCERY  LANE, 

1929. 


700 

'.40 


Devizes  : 
Printed  by  George  Simpson  &  Co.,  Devizes,  Ltd. 


C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S 


PAGE 

Katheryn   of   Berain.       By  John   Ballinger.   M.A.,   C.B.E. 

( With  four  portraitsj  ..  ..  ..  ..  1 

The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.      By  The  Rev.    E.    Tyrrell- 

Green,  M.A.     (  With  Illustrations,  See  List,  p.  44)         .  .         43 

Iron-Work   in   the   Teifi  Valley.      By   The   Rev.    E.    Tyrell- 

Green,  M.A.     (Withnine  IllustrationsJ  ..  ..        lls 

The  Importance  and  Yalue  of  Local  Records:  The  Dolgelley 

Parish  Registers.     By  T.  P.  Ellis,  M.A.  .  .  .  .       135 

Note  on  Welsh  Local  Records.      By  E.  Vincent  Evans. 

C.H.,  LL.D.     ..  ..  ..  .131 

A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales  in  the  Seventeenth  Century.     By 

Miss  M.  Foljambe  Hall,  F.R.Hist.S.  . .  .  .       188 

Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees,  with  Notes  on  Thomas 
Chaloner  of  Denbigh  and  Chester,  Ulster  King  of  Arms. 
By  W.  J.  Hemp,  F.S.A.     (Pedigree  and  four  IllustrationsJ      207 

Notes  on  the  Arms  of  Bishop  Nicholas  Robinson.     Bj'  W.  J. 

Hemp,  F.S.A.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .       226 

"Mamwys":  Textual  References.     By  T.  P.  Ellis,  M.A.         ..       230 

The  "Mabinogion"  ( Translatìon  by  T.  P.  Ellis  M  A.  andJohn 
Lloyd,  M.A.J  A  Review  and  a  Criticism  by  Professor 
J.  Lloyd-Jones,  M.A.  . .  . .  . .  .  .       251 

Editorìal  Note,  and  a  Response  by  the  Translators  .  .       261 

The  late   Sir  John   Morris  Jones,   M.A.,  LL.D.,  D.Litt.     An 

Appreciation  by  Professor  J.  Lloyd-Jones.  M.A.  .  .       265 


The  Editor  welcomes  the  free  expression  in  these 
pages  of  genuine  opinions  on  any  matters  of  interest 
relating  to  Wales  its  modern  developments  as  well  as 
its  ancient  history  but  disclaims  responsibility  alike 
for  the  opinions  themselves,  and  for  the  manner  in 
which  they  are  expressed. 


PLATE  1. 


To  face  p.  /. 
Katheryn  of  Berain     The  Rhiwlas  Portrait,  circa  1555, 


Cümmrüímr 


Vol.  XL.  "  Cared  doeth  yr  encilion."  1929 


Üafflerjm  of  QË>er<rím 

A  Study  in  North  Wales  Family  History. 
By  JOHN  BALLINGER,  C.B.E. 


Introduction. 

For  more  than  three  centuries  the  story  of  Katheryn  of 
Berain  and  her  four  husbands  has  been  one  of  the  chief 
romances  of  North  Wales.  The  main  outlines  have  been 
well-known,  but  the  facts  have  been  so  over-laid  with 
additions  that  the  good  name  of  the  fair  lady  has  suffered 
in  consequence. 

Following  the  publication  of  the  Calendar  of  Wynn  (of 
Gicydir)  Papers,  in  which  Katheryn  appears,  the  National 
Library  of  Wales  obtained  on  loan,  for  its  annual  exhibi- 
tion  in  1927,  the  four  paintings  reputed  to  be  portraits  of 
Katheryn.  In  this  connection  inquiries  were  made  into  the 
history  of  this  remarkable  lady,  and  it  became  clear  that  a 
reliable  account  of  Katheryn's  life  has  not  been  written. 
During  these  investigations  the  National  Library  came 
into  possession  of  a  group  of  papers  presented  by 
Viscount  Combermere,  who  inherited  Llewenni  through 
the  marriage  of  his  ancestor,  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  with  the 
Salusbury  heiress  of  that  house,  a  descendant  of  Katheryn 
by  her  first  marriage  with  John  Salusbury.  These  papers 
disclose  details,  especially  dates,  not  previously  available. 
During  his  years  of  exile  in  Brittany,  before  he  came 
to  the  throne,  Henry  VII  had,  by  a  Breton  lady,  a  natural 

B 


2  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

son,  Roland  Velville,  whom  he  knighted  after  coming  to 

the  throne.    He  made  him  constable  of  Beaumaris  Castle, 

and  settled  on  him  his  moiety  of  the  Tudor  property  of 

Penmynydd  in  Anglesey,1  with  other  lands  in  Pentraeth 

and  Beaumaris. 

Eatheryn  was  the  daughter  of  Tudur  ap  Robert  Vychan 

of  Berain  in  Denbighshire,  by  his  wife,  Jane  Velville,  the 

daughter  of  Sir  Roland  Velville.     The  line  of  descent  is 

as  follows  : — 

Henry  Tudor,  Earl  of  Richmond~~a  Breton  lady 
(Henry  VII) 


i 


Sir  Roland  Velville=Agnes  Griffîth 


Grace  Jane=Tudur  ap  Robert  Vychan  of  Berain 

died  unm. 


Katheryn  of  Berain 

Sir  Roland  Velville  died  in  1527 ,  five  years  before  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter  Jane  to  Tudur  ap  Robert  Vychan 
of  Berain.2  He  bequeathed  all  his  lands  to  his  widow,  and 
she  in  her  turn  left  the  property  to  her  two  daughters, 
Grace  and  Jane.  It  can  be  assumed  that  Grace  Velville 
died  unmarried,  because  ultimately  the  whole  of  the 
Penmynydd  property  devolved  upon  Katheryn,  who  was 
therefore  not  only  of  royal  blood  but  well  dowered. 

Of  her  girlhood  nothing  is  known.  Her  mother  died 
when  she  was  still  young,  and  her  father  married  again.-'' 

1  The  other  moiety  belonged  to  the  Abbey  of  Conway. 

»  The  marriage  settlement  is  dated  28  Hen.  VIII  (1532). 

3  His  second  wife  was  Margaret.  daughter  of  Rees  Wynn  ap  David 
Anwyl  ap  Ieuan  ap  Rees  of  Kinmel,  and  two  sons  at  least  were  born 
of  the  second  marriage.  The  will  of  Tudur  ap  Robert,  Katheryn's 
father,  was  proved  at  St.  Asaph  in  1564.  His  second  wife  survived 
him  and  married  again. 


Katheryn  of  Bei'ain.  3 

She  is  said  to  have  been  a  ward  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  A 
pair  of  embroidered  slippers  and  a  pair  of  corsets,  gifts 
from  the  Qneen,  are  still  preserved.  The  slippers,  kindly 
lent  by  Captain  Williams  Ellis,  were  exhibited  with  the 
portraits  in  1927. 

That  Elizabeth  took  an  interest  in  Eatheryn  is  prob- 
ably  correct,  for  she  was  partial  to  her  Tudor  relatives. 
The  first  portrait  of  Katheryn,  the  charming  girl  of  about 
eighteen  or  twenty,  may  have  been  painted  when  Eatheryn 
was  in  London,  possibly  on  a  visit  to,  or  under  the  wing 
of ,  the  Princess  Elizabeth.  This  is  merely  conjecture,  but 
the  dress  and  the  jewellery  in  the  portrait  and  the  cjuality 
of  the  painting  all  support  the  theory. 

The  First  Marriage. 

More  definite  information  is  available  when  we  come 
tò  the  marriage  of  Eatheryn  with  her  first  husband,  John 
Salusbury,  son  and  heir  of  Sir  John  Salusbury  of  Llew- 
enni,  though  there  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  course  of 
events  in  regard  to  the  marriage.  The  settlement  deed  is 
dated  llth  February,  1556/7,  when  Katheryn  was  22  years 
of  age.  The  deed  says  "  a  marriage  had  and  solemnized 
between  John  and  Catherine  Salusbury."  In  the  settle- 
ment  Sir  John  Salusbury  covenants  that  the  said  John 
and  Katheryn  ' '  shall  go  together  as  husband  and  wife  be- 
tween  this  and  the  feast  of  Christmas."  The  marriage 
'  had  and  solemnized  '  was  probably  a  child  marriage, 
which  was  to  be  consummated  between  the  date  of  the 
deed  and  the  next  ensuing  Christmas.  There  is  said  to  be 
in  existence  a  letter  from  John  Salusbury  while  he  was 
still  at  Westminster  School,  in  which  he  mentions  his 
wife.  The  letter  has  not  been  traced,  nor  the  date  of  John 
Salusbury's  birth. 

The  married  life  of  John  and  Katheryn  Salusbury  ex- 

b  2 


4  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

tended  over  nine  years,  and  they  had  two  surviving  sons, 
Thomas  and  John. 

John  Salusbury  died  in  1566,  his  father,  Sir  John, 
being  still  alive.  The  exact  date  of  his  death  is  uncertain. 
His  will,  dated  May  lOth,  was  admitted  for  probate  on 
July  24th,  but  two  documents,  dated  respectively  June 
20th  and  July  12th,  1566,  describe  Katheryn  as  a  widow, 
and  two  sons,  Thomas  and  John,  are  mentioned.  Both 
documents  deal  with  the  settlement  of  Katheryn's  estates, 
which  were  vested  in  trustees  for  Thomas  Salusbury,  or, 
he  failing,  for  his  brother  John.  The  date  of  John  Salus- 
bury's  death  was  therefore  between  May  lOth,  the  date  of 
his  will,  and  June  20th,  when  his  widow  executed  the  first 
settlement.  Both  the  documents  just  referred  to  appear 
to  have  the  same  effect,  but  they  may  refer  to  different 
properties — Berain  and  Penmynydd.  The  earlier  deed, 
June  20th,  is  so  decayed  that  the  description  of  the  pro- 
perty  cannot  be  made  out. 

A  further  document,  dated  15th  August,  1566,  is  a  deed 
between  Sir  John  Salusbury,  Kt.,  and  Katheryn  Salus- 
bury,  widow,  '  late  wife  of  John  Salusbury,  Esq.,  de- 
ceased."  To  fulfil  a  covenant  in  the  indenture  of  July 
12th,  they  agreed  to  levy  two  fines  at  the  next  Great 
Sessions  for  Denbigh  and  Flint  to  secure  the  lands  speci- 
fied  to  descend  to  Thomas  Salusbury  and  to  his  heirs,  with 
remainder  to  John  Salusbury,  brother  of  Thomas,  etc. 

The  Final  Concord  out  of  the  Court  of  Great  Sessions 
for  Denbigh  and  Flint  dealing  with  these  indentures  has 
not  been  found,  but  in  view  of  subsequent  events  it  may 
be  assumed  that  it  was  issued,  as  was  a  corresponding 
document  for  the  Anglesey  estate,  dated  October  7th, 
1566. 

It  thus  appears  that  immediately  following  the  death 
of  her  first  husband,  Katheryn,  who  had  bccome  possessed 


Matheryn  of  Berain.  5 

of  the  Berain  estate  on  the  death  of  her  father  in  1564, 
proceeded  to  make  a  settlement  of  her  properties  on  her 
two  sons. 

These  documents  dispose  of  the  theory  that  John,  the 
younger  son,  was  born  in  December  or  January  following 
his  father's  death.1  The  theory  is  based  on  an  inscription 
on  a  portrait  of  John  Salusbury  the  younger  quoted  by 
Pennant,  "  1591  aet.  24  ",  and  the  entry  of  his  matricula- 
tion  at  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  November  24th,  1581,  which 
gives  his  age  as  14.  John  was  probably  an  infant  when 
his  father  died  in  May  or  June,  1566,  but  the  mention  of 
him  in  the  will  and  in  the  documents  of  June  and  July, 
1566,  cannot  be  set  aside.  He  was  married  18th  Decem- 
ber,  1586,  and  his  first  child,  a  daughter,  was  baptized  on 
October  lOth,  1587  ;  these  dates  to  a  limited  extent  con- 
firm  the  earlier  date  for  his  birth.  The  execution  of  his 
brother,  which  will  be  referred  to  later,  may  have  hurried 
on  his  marriage,  when  he  was  a  few  months  short  of  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  and,  owing  to  his  brother's  death,  was 
the  heir  to  Llewenni. 

In  some  pedigrees  mention  is  made  of  a  third  child  of 
John  and  Katheryn,  a  daughter,  Elizabeth,  who  married 
Owen  Brereton.  She  is  not  mentioned  in  the  will,  or  in 
the  documents  just  referred  to.  A  careful  investigation 
leaves  no  doubt  that  she  was  a  daughter  of  Sir  John  Salus- 
bury,  and  therefore  a  sister  of  Katheryn's  first  husband. 
Several  elegies  on  the  death  of  Owen  Brereton  (1595)  have 
been  examined.  These  refer  to  his  first  wife,  Elizabeth, 
by  whom  he  had  fourteen  children,  as  the  daughter  of  Sir 
John  Salusbury,  Chamberlain  of  North  Wales,  her  chil- 
dren  being  referred  to  as  grandchildren  of  the  old  Cham- 

1  Poems  tnj  Sir  John  Salusbiiry  and  Roòert  Chester,  wilh  an  intro- 
duction  by  Carleton  Brown.  London  :  H.  Milford,  Oxford  University 
Press,  1914,  p.  xii. 


6  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

berlain.  There  are  other  references  which  make  it  clear 
that  Elizabeth  Brereton  was  the  daughter  of  old  Sir  John. 
To  the  year  1566  belongs  the  well-known  story  of 
Katheryn  and  her  two  suitors,  related  by  Thomas  Pen- 
nant,  who  wrote  : — 

The  tradition  goes  that  at  the  funeral  of  her  beloved 
spouse  she  was  led  to  church  by  Sir  Richard  Clough  and  from 
church  by  Morris  Wynn,  of  Gwydir,  who  whispered  to  her  his 
wish  of  being  her  second ;  she  refused  him  with  great  civility, 
informing  him  that  she  had  accepted  the  proposals  of  Sir 
Richard,  in  her  way  to  church  :  but  assured  him  (and  was  as 
good  as  her  word)  that  in  case  she  performed  the  same  sad 
duty  (which  she  was  then  about)  to  the  knight,  he  might 
depend  on  being  her  third.  From  this  match  I  have  the  honor 
of  some  of  Catherine's  blood  in  my  veins.  As  soon  as  she 
had  composed  this  gentleman,  to  shew  that  she  had  no  super- 
stition  about  the  number  THREE,  she  concluded  with  Edward 
Thelwal,  of  Plas  y  Ward.  esq.,  departed  this  life  August  27; 
and  was  interred  at  Llanyfydd  on  the  lst  of  Ssptember, 
1591.  * 

The  story  of  "  The  wooer  who  came  too  late  "  is  one 
of  the  merry  jests  in  a  collection  printed  some  years  be- 
fore  Katheryn  was  born,  and  belongs  to  the  group  of  tales 
and  quick  answers,  very  merry  and  pleasant  to  read,  to  be 
found  in  the  literature  of  all  countries.  That  it  became 
localized  and  attached  to  Katheryn  is  not  difficult  to  be- 
lieve,  and  Pennant  may  be  excused  for  not  knowing  the 
source,  as  the  little  book  of  jests  and  merry  tales  in  which 
it  occurs  was  rare  in  his  day. 

The  story  as  applied  to  Katheryn  has  been  dismissed 
as  impossible  on  chronological  grounds  by  Professor  Carle- 
ton  Brown,  a  careful  writer.  He  says  that  Sir  Richard 
Clough's  wooing  took  place  in  the  latter  part  of  April, 
1567,  when  Katheryn  had  already  been  a  widow  eleven 
months,2  and  Dean  Burgon  makes  a  pretty  story  of  the 

1  Pennant :   Tours  in  Wales,  1810  edition,  vol.  ii,  pp.  146-7. 

2  Poems  of  Sir  John  Salusbury  and  Robert  Chester,  p.  xiv. 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  7 

hurried  wooing  and  marriage  within  the  short  space  of 
three  weelcs.1 

Sir  Richard  Clough  lived  mostly  abroad,  at  Antwerp, 
where  he  was  concerned  in  business  for  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  his  partner.  They  were  merchants  on  an  exten- 
sive  scale,  and  very  wealthy.  Much  of  the  correspondence 
which  passed  between  them  is  preseiwed  in  the  Public 
Record  Ofîìce,  and  is  summarised  in  the  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  Foreign,  Elizabeth,  1566-68. 

A  letter  from  Gresham,  4th  April,  1566,  to  Sir  Wm. 
Cecil  says  : — "I  have  written  to  my  factor  Clough  to 
come  home  these  hollydaies  ".  Here  we  have  evidence 
that  Clough  came  over  from  Antwerp  about  the  time  of 
John  Salusbury's  death,  evidence  confirmed  by  the  ab- 
sence  of  any  letters  from  him  to  Gresham  until  some 
months  later,  when  the  correspondence  was  resumed. 

Clough  was  at  this  time  engaged  in  building  operations 
at  his  house  in  Denbighshire,  and  almost  certainly  would 
visit  his  home. 

He  may  not  have  proposed  to  the  widow  on  the  occa- 
sion  of  her  first  husband's  funeral,  but  it  is  probable  that 
before  he  returned  to  Antwerp  there  was  an  understand- 
ing,  which  resulted  in  a  marriage  in  the  following  year. 
If  this  surmise  is  correct  it  explains  what  happened. 

The  Second  Mareiage. 

Sir  Richard  Clough  was  in  Antwerp  up  to  about  the 
middle  of  April,  1567,  when  he  cam'e  home.  He  was  married 
to  Katheryn,  and  was  with  her  on  a  visit  to  Sir  Thomas 
Gresham,  in  London,  by  the  sixth  of  May.  Katheryn's 
second  m'arriage  took  place  within  a  year  of  her  first  hus- 
band's  death,  but  having  regard  to  the  extensive  business 

1  Burgon :    Life  of  Sir   Thomas  Gresham.     2  vols.     1839.     Vol.  ii, 
p.  211. 


8  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

engagements  abroad  of  Sir  Eichard  Clough  thereisnothing 
to  complain  about  in  her  not  waiting  the  full  year.  The 
disposal  of  the  story  of  the  posthumous  child  removes  the 
implied  reproach  that  she  went  oíf  with  the  second  hus- 
band  leaving  an  infant  of  four  or  five  months.  The  grand- 
parents,  Sir  John  and  Lady  Salusbury,  wTere  alive,  and  it 
is  most  likely  that  they  took  upon  themselves  the  care  and 
nurture  of  the  young  children  left  fatherless  by  the  death 
of  their  eldest  son.  As  related  above,  Katheryn  had  settled 
the  estates  of  Berain  and  Penmynydd  upon  her  Salus- 
bury  sons  immediately  following  her  first  husband's 
death. 

Sir  Eichard  Clough  and  his  wife  returned  to  Antwerp 
in  May,  1567,  and,  after  a  visit  to  Spain,  were  back  at 
Antwerp  by  July  of  the  same  year.  They  continued  to 
reside  there  until  May,  1569,  when  Clough  made  a  visit  to 
London,  and  sailed  from  there  to  Hamburg,  where  he  re- 
sided  until  his  death  in  the  following  year.  The  change  of 
residence  was  due  to  troubles  arising  out  of  the  disturbed 
condition  of  affairs  in  Flanders,  which  caused  Clough 
much  uneasiness.  He  was  in  constant  communication 
with  Cecil,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  his  removal  from 
Antwerp  was  due  to  political  troubles. 

A  portrait  of  Katheryn  was  painted  in  1568  by  a 
Flemish  artist,  which  Pennant  described  as  "  an  excellent 
three-cjuarters  on  wood  "  ;  one  hand  rests  on  a  skull,  a 
feature  not  unusual  in  portraits  of  that  period.  The  other 
hand  holds  a  casket  attached  to  a  girdle  worn  round  the 
waist.  Legend  has  it  that  this  casket  contained  the  ashes 
of  Sir  Eichard  Clough,  an  absurd  invention,  as  Sir  Eichard 
was  living  when  the  picture  was  painted.  It  probably,  as 
Pennant  says,  contained  the  hair  of  Sir  Eichard. 

Two  daughters  were  born  to  the  Cloughs  during  their 
brief  married  life — Anne   (1568),  who  became  the  wife 


% 


PLATE  2. 


To  face  />.  <?. 
Katheryn  of  Berain     The  Llewesog  Portrait,  1568. 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  g 

of    Roger    Salusbury,    and    Mary    (1569),    who    married 
William  Wynn  of  Melai. 

The  actual  date  of  Clough's  death  is  not  known,  but 
Dean  Burgon1  says  it  must  have  taken  place  between  llth 
March  and  19th  July,  1570,  and  estimates  Clough's  age 
at  about  40.  Nor  is  the  cause  of  his  death  known.  A 
lingering  sickness,  two  references  in  his  letters  to  pains 
in  the  head,  and  sleeplessness,  that  is  all.  At  the  request 
of  the  municipal  authorities  of  Hamburg,  the  Senate  of 
Lubeck  sent  a  skilled  physician  to  see  whether  any  aid  was 
possible,  but  without  avail. 

Second  Widowhood. 

At  the  age  of  thirty-five  Katheryn  was  a  widow  for  the 
second  time  with  four  children,  all  of  tender  years. 

Sir  Richard  Clough  and  his  partner  (Sir  Thomas  Gres- 
ham)  were  reputed  to  be  the  richest  men  in  England. 
Clough  by  his  will  provided  handsomely  for  each  of  his 
two  daughters  and  for  his  widow,  and  in  addition  gave  his 
sons  by  a  former  union  considerable  wealth. 

Referring  to  Clough's  hnighthood,  Dean  Burgon 
says  : — 

I  reserre  for  a  subsequent  page,  ho\vever,  what  is  dis- 
eoverable  of  his  personal  history ;  there  heing  no  evidenee, 
traditional  or  otherwise,  of  the  events  of  his  early  life,  except 
the  indubitable  fact  that  in  the  fervour  of  youthful  zeal,  he 
performed  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  was  created 
a  hnight  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre — "  though  not  owning  it," 
says  Fuller,  "  on  his  return  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  dis- 
dained  her  subjects  should  accept  of  such  foraign  honour." 
Pennant  and  other  Welsh  writers  have,  in  consequence,  styled 
him  Sir  Richard  Clough,  by  whicli  name  he  is  known  at  this 
day  among  his  descendants.- 

It  may  be  assumed  that  Eatheryn  left  Hamburg  soon 
after  the  death  of  her  husband.     That  she  was  back  in 

1  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Gresham,  vol.  ii,  p.  356. 
ä  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  pp.  236-7. 


io  Ratheryii  of  Berain. 

Wales  by  November,  1570,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
agreement  between  William  Clough  of  Denbigh,  executor 
of  the  will  of  Eichard  Clough,  and  Katheryn,  and  a  deed 
of  the  same  date,  the  schedule  of  which  gives  some  idea  of 
the  wealth  of  which  she  was  then  possessed. 

After  her  return  from  Hamburg  Katheryn  resided  at 
Berain,  and  engaged  William  Kynwal  of  Penmachno  to 
compile  a  record  of  her  family.  Kynwal  wrote  in  the 
same  volume  a  large  number  of  poems  by  himself  and 
other  poets  extolling  IÝatheryn,  the  Tudurs,  the  Salus- 
burys,  Clough,  and  others  connected  with  her.  This 
volume  is  now  in  the  library  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

The  pedigree  traces  Katheryn's  descent  through  a  long 
line  of  Welsh  chieftains  back  to  Brutus,  wTho  is  described 
as  a  great-grandson  of  the  Trojan  hero  iEneas,  and  who, 
tradition  states,  came  and  settled  in  Britain.  From 
irEneas  the  pedigree  goes  back  through  a  long  line  of 
mythical  persons,  including  the  gods  Jupiter  and  Saturn, 
until  Biblical  characters  are  reached  in  Japhet  and  Noah, 
and  thence  back  to  "  Enoch  son  of  Seth  son  of  Adam  son 
of  God  ".  This  grandiose  production  was  in  accord  with 
the  practice  of  the  time  in  compiling  pedigrees. 

The  poems  in  the  Christ  Church  MS.  include  two  by 
Kynwal  eulogising  Clough  and  Katheryn,  one  proposing 
to  send  a  hawk  to  express  the  longing  felt  in  North  Wales 
for  their  return,  and  the  other  a  ship  to  bring  them  back. 
The  elegies  on  Clough  mention  that  his  heart  was  brought 
home  and  buried  in  Whitchurch  (the  parish  church  of  the 
town  of  Denbigh),  and  that  Bachygraig  was  built  with 
stones  brought  from  Antwerp.  It  is  suggested  elsewhere 
that  the  building  is  of  bricks  imported  from  Holland  or 
made  in  Denbighshire  in  the  Dutch  manner. 

Kynwal  wrote  a  cywydd  welcoming  Katheryn  home  to 
Berain,  and  another  urging  her  to  marry  again,  but  not 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  1 1 

to  leave  Berain  if  she  does.     The  cywydd  of  welcome 
runs : — 

Kowydd  i  groessawu  y  meistres  hatrin  adref  pann  fu 
tuwnt  Ir  mor  vaî  y  hair  gwybod  ivrth  y  howydd.1 

Katrin  law  ruddwin  roddiad, 

kares  wyth  lu  kroesso  ith  wlad   .   .   . 

[12  lines  omittedj 
hwiliaist  megis  un  helynt 
Elen  rereh  Goel  lanfraich  gynt 
honn  a  gerddodd  henw  gwirddoeth 
y  mor  ar  tir  ddyn  ir  ddoeth 
yno  drwy  nerth  duw  or  nef 
or  daith  hydr  y  doeth  adref 
ac  val  hynn  gwiwvawl  henwi 
wrth  ystad  yr  aethost  di 
gida'th  wr  mewn  kyrl\vr  kain 
gwir  lendyd  i  Gaer  Lundain 
o  Lundain  hardd  riain  hael 
ir  Galais  eurloer  gulael 
a  thrwy  ffraingk  winvaingk  iownvawr 
hoff  lowndres  vodd  i  fflandrs  fawr 
o  frehant  gwarant  geirwir 
iawn  tro  pell  i  Andwarp  hir 
ac  ywch  wedi  gwych  ydoedd 
yn  yr  yssbaen  wrssib  oedd 
yn  Hambrw  uffern  henbryd 
o  vewn  dengmark  bark  y  byd 
ing  dic  y  rwng  i  deugwr 
ofer  dim  y  bu  farw  dwr 
ac  ir  ystad  at  Grist  wynn 
yr  aeth  ef  wrth  i  ofyn 
a  chwi  a  ddoeth  eigr  goeth  gain 
i  loegr  yn  ddyn  weddw  liwgain 
yno  bu  ywch  yn  unawr 
a  gwiwras  maith  groessaw  mawr 
ath  glod  aeth  golud  weithion 
or  un  sud  drwy'r  ynys  honn 
oddyno  yn  ddianair 
orau  dyn  heb  wyro  d'air 
doetb  ich  ty'ch  hun  y  fun  faiu 
drwy  fowredd  i  dre  ferain  .   .   . 

[16  lines  omitted] 

1  Christ  Church  MS. 


i  2  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

adolwc  bennes  dalaur 
dyn  loew  wych  dan  wiail  aur 
fry  na  ddos  hael  linos  lan 
farn  well  o  verain  allan. 

Wiliam  Kynwal. 

A  letter1  from  John  Vaughan  of  Gelly  Aur  to  Katheryn 
shows  that  in  1571  she  was  still  residing  at  Berain.  The 
letter  is  unfortunately  mutilated,  and  the  month  when  it 
was  written  is  missing,  but  April,  1571,  is  possible  ;  that 
would  be  less  than  a  year  after  Clough's  death.  The  letter 
is  as  follows  : — 

Lovinge  Cosyn  after  my  righte  hartie  comendacones  [I 
being]  yet  unaquaynted  with  you,  have  in  the  behaulf  [of 
Walter]  Vaughan  my  sone  byn  a  suyter  unto  you  by  my 
ne[phew]  hughe  ap  hughe,  who  repaired  unto  you  and  was 
[kindly]  entertayned  and  wellcome,  for  the  \xch  I  yelde  you 
[thanhs]  nowe.  If  yt  please  you  to  comunycate  or  talke 
further  [with  us]  in  this  matter,  upon  the  good  answer  whiche 
I  have  [received]  by  him  from  you,  Bothe  I  and  my  sónne 
will  travaile  u[pj  ífor  I  have  no  other  but  him  only  to  bestowe 
soche  lyvinge  [as]  god  hath  sent  me  after  my  decesse  wch  shal 
be  a  T[housand]  marcks  by  the  yeare  at  the  leaste.  Beseach- 
inge  you  [to  continue]  yor  good  will  and  forwardnes  herin  äs  I 
understande  [you]  have  begone,  which  by  gods  grace  shall  not 
on  my  [part]  and  my  Sones  be  unaquitted  And  thus  levinge 
all  [.  .  .]  to  yor  good  discresyon  to  be  conferred  w*h  my  Cosyn 
[hughe]  ap  hughe  I  comitt  you  to  the  governaunce,  of 
[almighty]  god.  ffrom  my  howse  at  gelly  oyre  the  vith  daye 
[of  April]  1571. 

Your  assured  Cosyn, 

John  Yaughan. 
Addressed :  — To    his    verie   assured    and   lovinge    Cosyn    Mrs. 

katheryn   Cloughe   at    Meren   these    be   yeaven. 

Gelly  Oyre  (Gelly  Aur)  is  probably  the  Carmarthen- 
shire  seat  of  the  Vaughans.  There  is  a  Gelly  Aur  in 
Flintshire,  but  this  was  the  home  of  the  Morgans.  The 
spelling  Oyre  for  Aur  points  to  Carmarthenshire.  That 
this  is  the  correct  interpretation  is  supported  by  the  sen- 
tence  in  the  letter  "  If  yt  please  you  to  comunycate  or 

1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  43. 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  i 


ò 


talke  further  .   .   .  Bothe  I  and  my  sonne  will  travaile 
u[p]  ". 

The  proposed  suitor,  Walter  Vaughan,  was  the  father 
of  John  Vaughan,  first  earl  of  Carbery,  and  William 
Vaughan,  author  of  the  Golden  Grove  Moralized  and 
other  well-known  wor^s.1  The  proposal  was  no  mean 
one,  and  shows  that  she  was  accounted  a  desirable  lady. 
Katheryn,  however,  did  not  see  fit  to  "  talke  further". 
It  may  be  that  she  was  already  talking  with  Maurice 
Wynn  of  Gwydir,  the  belated  suitor  who  was  forestalled 
by  Eichard  Clough. 

The  Third  Marriage. 

The  date  of  Katheryn's  marriage  with  Maurice  Wynn 
is  not  known,  but  it  was  before  January,  1573.  Wynn  had 
buried  two  wives,  and  Katheryn  two  husbands.  By  this 
third  marriage  she  became  the  step-mother  of  the  famous 
Sir  John  WTynn  of  Gwydir,  the  author  of  The  History  of 
the  Gieydir  Famiìy. 

There  is  a  document  among  the  Llewenni  papers, 
dated  20th  September,  1574,  two  years  or  thereabouts 
after  Katheryn  became  the  wife  of  Maurice  Wynn,  which 
throws  an  interesting  side-light  on  the  lady's  matrimonial 
activities. 

It  is  an  agreement  between  Sir  John  Salusbury  and 

his  wife  Lady  Jane  Salusbury,  and  Maurice  Wynn  for  a 

marriage  between  one  or  other  of  Katheryn's  sons  by  her 

first  husband  and  Margaret,  daughter  of  Maurice  Wynn, 

or,  she  failing,  any  other  of  Wynn's  daughters.     Thomas 

Salusbury  was  about  ten  years  of  age  when  the  agreement 

was  made,  and  Margaret  Wynn  was  about  the  same  age 

or  possibly  younger  ;  she  was  Wynn's  fourth  child  by  his 

1  Walter  Vaughan  niarrierì  (I)  Mary,  rìaughter  of  Gruffyrìrì  Rys,  by 
whom  he  had  thirteen  children,  anrì  (II)  Letys,  wirìow  of  Sirjohn 
Perrot,  who  bore  liim  two  chilrìren. 


14  Ratheryn  of  Berain. 

first  wife.  They  were,  however,  to  be  married  before  the 
Feast  of  the  Annunciation  next  ensuing  (i.e.  25th  March, 
1575).  It  was  a  child  marriage  to  be  confirmed  and  con- 
summated  later,  with  alternative  provisions  to  ensure  the 
union  of  the  two  families  in  the  case  of  death  on  either 
side  before  the  contemplated  marriage  was  solemnized, 
or  between  solemnization  and  consummation.  This  is  a 
most  interesting  document  as  it  illustrates  the  way  in 
which  marriages  were  arranged  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
Another  similar  document  in  which  Katheryn  was  con- 
cerned  will  be  referred  to  later. 

This  grand  design  was  the  realisation  of  the  dreams 
of  two  women,  Lady  Jane  Salusbury  and  her  erstwhile 
daughter-in-law,  Katheryn.  The  signing  of  the  marriage 
agreement  was  followed  by  a  great  festive  gathering  at 
Gwydir,1  recorded  by  Maurice  Wynn  in  his  book  of  memo- 
randa  (a  volume  of  212  pages)2  as  follows  : — 

8p  die  octobris  a°  1574. 
The  names  of  them  that  were  present  at  the  bargain  made 
betwene  me  and  Sir  John  Salusbury  &  at  the  delyvery  of  the 
money    to   Mr  Thomas   Salusbury   wth   th'obligation   the   con- 
reances.  &c. 

John  Wyn  ap  Wm,  esquier. 

Gruff  Wynn,  gent. 

Maurice  Kyffyne,  gent. 

John  Lloyd,  mercer. 

Edward  ap  Hughe. 

Owen  ap  Sr  John. 

John  Mershe. 

Robert  Kynrike, 

John  Edwards, 

Cristofer 


1 
J 


Sr  Jo.  Salisburis  men. 


John  Hollis, 

Wm  ap  Sr  John  gruff. 

Davyd  ap  Thomas,  John  Wyn  ap  Wm's  servant. 

1  The  ohl  Gwydir  which  still  snrvives.  The  later  house  built  by 
Sir  John  Wynn,  'the  fairest  house  in  all  N.  Wales",  was  ruined  by 
two  fires  in  1922  and  1924  respectively. 

*  N.L.W.     Llanstephan  MS.  179B. 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  i  5 

It  is  somewhat  curious  that  the  guests  at  Gwydir  in- 
cluded  four  described  as  "  Sr  Jo.  Salisburis  men  ",  but 
neither  Sir  John  nor  Lady  Salusbury.  In  view  of  what 
followed  their  absence  is  significant. 

This  gay  house-party  was  but  the  prelude  to  trouble 
and  family  bitterness.  As  already  stated  the  marriage  of 
these  two  children  appears  to  have  been  arranged  by 
Lady  Jane  Salusbury  and  her  sometime  daughter-in-law, 
Katheryn,  who  were  believed  to  be  able  to  enchant  their 
respective  husbands.  Maurice  Wynn,  according  to  his  son, 
Sir  John  Wynn,  was  not  a  strong  personality,  and  was 
largely  under  the  infiuence  of  Katheryn,  and  there  are 
hints  that  he  was  not  on  the  best  of  terms  with  some  of  his 
neighbours,  nor,  for  a  time  at  least.  with  Sir  John  Salus- 
bury.  These  strained  relations  were  due  to  the  prospective 
bridegroom,  who  later  showed  some  reluctance  to  the 
marriage. 

The  boy  was  at  Gwydir  when  the  great  celebration 
feast  took  place,  but  later  there  seems  to  have  been  some 
feeling  between  Gwydir  and  Llewenni  as  to  the  place 
where  he  should  reside,  whether  with  his  mother  or  with 
his  grand-parents.  Nor  is  it  clear  from  the  scanty 
evidence  available  whether  the  child  marriage  took  place, 
as  arranged  by  the  great  indenture,  before  the  25th  March, 

1575. 

A  letter1  from  Katheryn  to  her  stepson,  John  Wynn 
(afterwards  Sir  John),  then  a  barrister  in  London,  dis- 
closes  that  trouble  had  arisen  with  regard  to  the  ward- 
ship  of  Thomas  Salusbury,  the  heir  to  Llewenni.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  enter  into  the  details  here.  It  is  a  long  and 
intricate  dispute  in  wbich  the  Earl  of  Leycester's  connec- 
tion  with  North  Wales,  and  heated  controversies,  are  con- 

1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  83. 


i6  Ratheryn  of  Berain. 

cerned.1   The  letter,  however,  is  evidence  of  the  feuds  and 

intrigues,  and  the  high  tension  between  leading  families. 

As  regards  IỲatheryn  the  letter  affords  a  side-light  upon 

her  domestic  life,   the  most  intimate  piece  of  personal 

revelation  available.     She   speaks  of  herself  as  a   weak 

woman,  foolish  and  fond,  and  appeals  for  the  wise  and 

discreet  help  of  the  future  Sir  John  Wynn.     The  letter, 

dated  February,  1576/7,  is  written  on  three  pages,  foolscap 

size,  with  the  address  on  the  fourth  page,  and  appears  to  be 

in  the  hand  of  Thomas  Brooke,  the  signature,  "  Katheryn 

Wynn  ",  being  in  her  autograph.  The  first  leaf  is  slightly 

defective,  words  are  missing  which  in  a  few  instances  are 

conjecturally  restored,  and,  where  no  such  restoration  has 

been  made,  are  indicated  by  .   .   .  ,  in  each  case  enclosed 

in  []. 

Good  sonne  my  verey  heartie  coraendacons  use[.  .  .  these] 
are  to  signifie  unto  yow  that  for  revenge  of  ou[r  enemies]  I  am 
nowe  verey  like  to  receave  at  my  ffather  [in  law  and  his] 
brother  m""  Salusburie  and  their  ffrends  han[ds  such  a]  ffoyle2 
(for  your  sake)  as  I  shall  neaver  claw  of3  [unless]  youre  wis- 
dome  and  foresight  be  my  shilde  and  [strength]  in  my  greatest 
necessitie.  for  yow  shall  understand  that  a  hynesman  and 
late  seruant  of  myne  one  whome  yow  lcnowe  Jeuan  ap  Thomas 
ap  Kyn'  by  name  havinge  by  great  mishappe  chaunsed  to  gyve 
a  neighbour  of  his  one  william  ap  Ric  a  blowe  with  a  stone, 
wherof  it  is  inferred  by  his  ffrends  he  shuld  die,  and  by  the 
synister  and  indirect  practise  and  subborn  acon  of  Jeuan  Uoid 
ap  d'd  ap  m'edd  and  William  lloid  his  sonne,  who  havinge 
conspired    with  Piers  holland   a   malicious   and  cruell  enemye 

1  The  rebitions  of  the  Earl  of  Leycester  with  Nortli  Wales  offer  a 
fruitful  field  for  inquiry  by  a  student  of  history.  A  passage  in  Ley- 
cester's  Commonuealthrnns: — "The  hatred  of  all  that  Countrey  (i.e. 
North  Wales),  is  so  universall  and  vehement  against  my  Lord  :  as  I 
thinke  never  thing  created  by  God.  was  so  odious  to  that  Nation,  as 
the  very  uiime  of  my  Lord  of  Leycester  is.  Which  his  Lordship,  well 
knowing,  I  doubt  not.  but  that  he  will  take  heed,  how  hee  goe 
thither  to  dwell,  or  send  thither  his  posterity". 

2  ffoyle  =  foil,  a  repulse,  a  disgrace,  a  stigma.     O.E.D. 

3  claw  of  =  to  get  rid  of,  get  free  from,     O.E.D, 


PLATE  3. 


The  Wigfair  Portrait, 


To  faceỳ. 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  1 7 

to  my  howse  from  the  begyninge  have  oaused  my  said  Seruant 
to  be  indicted  of  willfull  murther  togeather  with  one  Jeuan  ap 
Tudr  as  accessarie,  withowt  any  eridence  or  good  mattr  to 
induce  the  same,  And  tberupon  my  said  Seruant  upon  hope  of 
indifferencie  and  upon  trust  of  his  innocencye  upon  indifferent 
and  good  triall  yelded  him  self  to  the  lawe,  beinge  Imbowldned 
therunto  by  my  said  father  in  lawe.  mr  Salusburie  of  Rugge, 
Mr  Thomas  Salusbury  of  Denbigh  and  the  rest  of  that  crewe, 
who  then  promysed  to  be  his  ffaithfull  ffrends  and  ayders  :  and 
nowe  havinge  therby  allured  him  into  his  enymies  hands,  and 
ledd  him  as  a  bear  to  the  stake  or  as  a  lambe  to  the  butchers 
stawle  doe  nowe  not  onelie  leave,  him  destitute  of  all  ayde, 
but  allso  ioygne  them  selfs  w*h  his  aduersaries  to  his  utter 
confucion  the  best  they  may,  not  onelie  of  them  selfs  but  allso 
by  procuringe  the  shirief  and  others  to  the  same,  in  so  muche 
as  they  haue  caused  mr  ffowllke  lloid  and  others  my  lords 
officrs  to  write  unto  my  L.  of  leycesf  to  agravate  mattrs 
againest  him,  takinge  for  their  grounds  that  my  L.  is  like 
to  lose  the  benifite  of  their  lands  in  excheate  by  [rea]son  of 
some  ffables  by  them  contryved  and  [most]  fawlslie  insenced 
to  my  L.  eares.  wher  in  [ve]ry  deede  ther  is  noe  such  mattr 
intended  one  our  [part]es  but  rafher  of  the  other  side,  for 
if  wee  have  [ou]r  willes  wee  meane  not  to  dishardge  him  of 
man  slawghf,  allthough  the  evidence  will  in  troth  prove  but 
rnan  slawghtr  in  his  owne  defence.  And  allthough  the  surgion 
will  upon  his  othe  verifie  that  the  man  died  rather  of  gods 
vicitacon  or  for  want  of  good  keapinge  then  of  the  hurte,  and 
allthough  ther  be  many  other  circumstances  to  extenuate  his 
offence,  here  to  longe  to  be  recited  and  one  in  especiall,  for 
all  the  evidence  and  prouffs  that  be  of  all  sides  doe  manifestlie 
prove  and  everie  one  doth  prove  and  agree  with  the  other 
that  the  man  slayne,  had  upon  him  a  good  pike  forke  and  a 
longe  dagger  and  was  a  stronger  lustier  and  better  man  then 
the  other  and  that  my  kynesman  and  seruant  had  but  onelie 
a  dagger  and  that  the  other  man  dryve  my  kinesman  backe  to  a 
hedge  wher  he  ffound  a  stone  undr  his  ffeete  by  chaunce  and 
threw  at  the  other  wherby  he  might  have  oportunitie  to  flie 
further  and  so  imediatlie  fledde,  and  allthough  the  other  man 
p'secuted  him  alonge  myle  never  turned  unto  him  but 
still  fledd,  all  suche  mattrs  and  suche  other  circumstancs 
as  this  bearer  can  instruct  yow  of,  such  as  yow  thinke 
will  make  with  yow.  I  am  hereby  heartelie  to  praie 
yow  to  imparte  to  my  good  ffrende  Sr  John  Hugh- 
band  besechinge  him  of  his  comforte  ayd  and  succore 
herein,  either  by  dealinge  with  my  L.  in  his  excuse,  or  by 
writinge  to  mr  Justice  throkmorton  in  my  mans  favour,  and 
procuringe  my  L.  l'res  to  mf  Justice  if  yow  thinke  it  needfull, 

C 


18  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

but  speciallie  to  make  my  L.  conceave  the  mattr  aright,  and 
not  to  write  againest  him  wherin  yow  shall  doe  unto  me  a  most 
acceptable  pleasure  and  to  yor  ffather  and  to  yo'  self  [much] 
wor'  and  credicte,  w<*  if  this  man  mis[carry  in]  the  furst  mattr 
of  weight  he  deallt  wi[th  at]  Conwey  is  like  to  be  greatlie 
appalled  [.  .  .]  in  denbigh  shire.  And  my  poore  sonne  a[nd 
your]  brother  in  lawe  litle  Thome  Salusburie  [is  filled]  with 
great  perplexitie  for  he  poore  ch[ild  ha]th  great  care  of  him 
because  he  was  his  fathers  man  and  myne,  and  one  whome  he 
tendrlie  loveth.  I  am  but  a  woman  ffolishe  and  faunde.  I 
can  not  direct  yow  aright  in  this  mattr,  yor  father  is  not 
willinge  to  deale  for  some  respects  knowinge  how  litle  affiaunce 
he  hath  in  denbigh  shire  men,  yow  are  wise  and  Discreete  and 
conversant  with  those  that  can  instructe  yow  what  is  best  to 
be  done.  I  therfore  require  yow  to  be  ffaithfull  and  vigilant 
in  this  matter,  otherwise  the  poore  man  shall  Runne  into 
utter  Ruine,  and  I  and  myne  imperpetuall  obloquie  and  sclandr 
for  ever,  wherfor  referringe  all  to  yor  wisdome  and  fidelitie 
I  ende  wishinge  yowr  wellfare  in  haste  from  Gwidr  this  xxiiijth 
of  ffebruarie  1576. l 

Your  loving  mother 

Katheryn  Wynn. 
ptscript 

I  praie  yow  write  unto  me  yor  pleasure  towching  the  books 

of  the  quartr  Sessions  and  whither  I  may  have  them  or 

not  paiing  you  xxs  for  everie  sessions. 

Thomas  Broore. 
Addressed  :  — 

To  my  lovinge  sonne  John  Wynne  at   the  Inner  Temple 

de.  this  in  hast. 

What  happened  to  the  young  man  accused  of  murder 
is  not  on  record.  It  is  hoped  that  he  had  a  fair  trial,  un- 
prejudiced  by  family  feuds.  If  he  can  be  identified  as  the 
same  who  witnessed  a  lease  in  March,  1581,  he  must  have 
won  free. 

Sir  John  Salusbury  died  about  a  year  after  the  letter 
just  quoted  was  written,  the  actual  date  of  his  death  being 
18th  March,  1577/8. 

His  death  left  his  grandson,  still  a  minor,  to  the  ward- 
ship  of  the  Earl  of  Leycester,  who  had  been  chosen  by 
Sir  John  Salusbury.    The  Wynns  were  alarmed,  fearing 

'  i.e.  1577,  New  Style. 


Kathervn  of  Berain.  19 

that  Leycester  would  oppose  the  completion  of  the  mar- 
riage  of  Thomas  Salusbury  and  Margaret  Wynn.  These 
fears  were  groundless  if  we  can  accept  Leycester's  state- 
ment  in  the  following  letter1  to  Maurice  Wynn,  written 
five  days  after  Sir  John  Salusbury's  death. 

After  my  heartie  comendaeons.  with  like  thanks  for  yor 
paynes  taldnge  to  be  presente  at  the  hearinge  of  the  cause 
wch  those  yor  countrey  exclamators  preferred  to  herre  matie. 
Like  as  I  doubte  not  but  you  are  fullie  satisfied  in  consience 
upon  hearinge  of  the  cause  debated  of  the  greate  wronge  they 
have  offered  me  and  herre  matie«  commissioners  soe  I  hope  yow 
will  to  the  like  contentacon  satisfie  the  reste  of  yo1  ffrends 
within  yor  countrey  whom  I  am  sure  they  have  allso  therin 
greatlie  abused.  I  trust  I  shall  hensfurth  finde  you  as  yor 
brother  in  lawe  my  verey  ffrende  the  L.  Chaunceler  of  Irelande 
hath  assured  me,  and  so  doinge  1  will  not  be  unmyndefull  of 
requitall.  And  now  mr  Wynn  I  thought  good  to  lette  yo" 
understand  that  like  as  by  the  death  of  Sr  John  Salusburie 
the  wardshippe  of  the  boye  is  f aulen  to  me  and  in  my  custodie, 
so  will  I  throughlie  understande  the  boyes  dispocition  to  the 
matche  with  yor  doughter,  from  the  wch  I  here  he  hathe  utterlie 
dissented,  and  that  if  I  see  any  likeliehoode  yow  shall  finde  me 
(the  rather  for  yor  brother  in  lawes  sake)  ffrendelie  therin.  I  am 
glade  you  have  so  good  assurance  for  yor  money,  for  as  the 
matche  was  made  onelie  to  defraude  me  of  the  wardshippe, 
soe  I  can  assure  you  it  was  not  meante  to  be  performed  to 
you.  for  the  recoverey  of  yor  money  if  you  neede  my  ffrendshippe 
it  shall  not  be  wantinge.  I  praie  you  trie  owte  what  dulie 
belongeth  to  the  boye  either  in  goods  or  lands  and  therof  with 
the  speede  you  can  advertise  me,  wherupon  you  shall  here 
further  from  me,  I  thinke  I  shall  comytte  some  trust  in  the 
cause  to  you,  wch  shall  not  be  to  yor  discomoditie.  I  praie 
you  lette  me  here  speedilie  from  you,  and  in  the  meane  tyme 
fare  ye  heartelie  well,  from  the  courte  the  xxiijth  of  marche 
1577. 2 

Yor  Lovinge  ffrende 

ROBERT   LETCESTER. 

Maurice  WTynn  and  Ratheryn  were  at  Berain  directly 
after  Sir  John  Salusbury's  death,  and  Wynn  prepared  a 
statement  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Sir  William  Gerard  for 
the  purpose  of  informing  Leycester  as  to  the  position  wîth 

1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  84.  2  i.e.  1578,  New  Style. 

c  2 


20 


Ratheryn  of  Berain. 


regard  to  the  marriage.  This  letter1  must  have  crossed 
Leycester's  letter  (dated  a  few  days  earlier)  reassuring 
Wynn  as  to  the  marriage.  Maurice  Wynn-'s  letter  throws 
a  vivid  light  on  the  domestic  drama  then  being  played, 
and  is  therefore  worth  reproducing. 

After  my  verey  heartie  eomendacons  to  yor  good  L.  gyvinge 
the  same  to  understande  that  upon  my  returne  from  worcester 
I  repaired  to  the  countrey  to  attende  those  affaires  off  my  1. 
comytted  to  me  and  others  ther  in  chardge,  by  reason  wherof 
I  cold  not  repaire  to  Sr  John  Salusburie  albeit  he  sent  for  me 
diverse  tymes  untill  hit  was  within  three  or  foure  daies  before 
his  death,  at  wch  tyme  in  the  prsence  of  diverse  honest  gentle- 
men  both  of  worshippe  and  credicte  he  openlie  [afjfirmed  that 
he  neaver  intended  to  breake  the  lesse  [several  words  muti- 
lated]  of  any  parte  of  the  bargaine  concluded  betwen  his 
[grandson]  and  my  doughter  as  he  had  done  many  tymes 
[before]  greatlie  blamynge  me  for  that  I  had  wrongfullie 
[belie]ved  and  uttered  such  suspicion  of  hym  to  the  great 
[blem]ishe  of  his  worshippe  and  credicte ;  affirmynge  [that  he] 
was  neaver  privey  nor  consentinge  to  the  [boy's]  departure 
from  me.  and  said  how  he  had  sent  for  [the]  boye  to  Oxfford 
whom  he  meant  to  deliver  unto  [me]  if  he  cam  home  before 
he  died,  otherwise  he  had  taken  order  with  his  executors  that 
they  shuld  deliver  hym  unto  me,  chardginge  me  as  I  shuld 
answer  in  honestie  to  god  and  to  the  world  to  see  that  matche 
consumated  and  perfected  accordinge  to  the  trust  fidelitie 
and  true  meanynge  of  the  same  from  the  begyninge,  from  the 
wch  he  neaver  intended  to  swarve.  and  ther  with  all  called  my 
ladie  unto  hym  and  reconsiled  [me]  to  herre  of  all  suche  mis- 
likings  as  shee  had  [con]ceaved  againest  me,  desiringe  herre  to 
take  my  [daughte]r  unto  herre  and  to  see  herre  vertiouslie 
brought  [up  in  t]he  feare  of  god  w°h  shee  promised  to  doe,  and 
[after]  Sr  John  decessed  and  all  his  funerall  [rites]  are  per- 
formed  my  lady  [several  words  muíií(jfcrf]pfullie  accordinge 
to  herre  [promise  in]  good  [faith]  delivered  the  child  to 
me  .  .  .  At  Beraigne  this  thirde  of  Aprill :  1578. 
Yor  lovyng  brother  in  lawe 

assured  to  his  power, 

Maurice  Wynn. 

This  letter  addressed  from  "  Beraigne  "  suggests  that 
Katheryn's  own  house  was  kept  as  a  place  of  residence 

1  H'ynn  Papers,  No,  86, 


Katheryn  of  Èerain.  2  i 

during  her  life  as  the  wife  of  Maurice  Wynn,  and  this  is 

confirmed  by  the  fact  that  she  returned  there  after  Wynn's 

death.1 

Seven  days  later  John  Wynn  wrote  a  letter  to  his 

father-in-law,  Sir  William  Gerard,  which  gives  some  inti- 

mation  of  Wynn's  opinion  of  his  step-mother.  The  letter,2 

dated  lOth  April,  1578,  relates  to  the  dispute  concerning 

the  wardship. 

My  very  good  1.  and  loringe  father  in  law3  I  assure  yow 
my  mynd  did  fortelle  me,  that  y'stei-day  I  should  heere  from 
hom,  \v°h  was  the  cause  I  attended  not  yow  to  the  corte  as  I 
was  once  determined.  As  I  expected  so  cam  hit  to  passe, 
for  ysternight  very  late  in  the  eveninge  cam  to  the  Cytye 
my  fathers  man  wth  answere  to  my  1.  &  mrs  lett-ers,  accom- 
peny«d  w*h  Sr  Jhon  Salsberyes  son,  havinge  likwyse  an  answere 
from  Mr  Salsbery  of  the  Ruge  and  letters  from  my  ladye  Sal. 
to  my  L.  In  'my  pakket  of  letters  I  found  on[e]  directed  to 
your  L.  from  my  father  w<*  I  send  yow  wth  this  berer.  I  send 
yow  also  the  coppyes  of  my  fathers  letter  to  my  L.  &  of  my 
L.  letter  to  him  (wch  I  know  I  may  as  well  kepe  bake  as  send) 
but  onely  for  the  performance  of  my  fathers  will  and  direction. 
The  yonge  gent.  Mr  Salsbery  is  to  fornishe  him  selfe  wth 
morninge  apparell  before  he  com  to  my  L.  presence.  my 
instructions  are  to  deliver  my  letter  to  my  L.  att  the  same 
instant  as  he  dothe,  w°h  is  the  cause  of  my  stay  froni  courte 
this  day.  I  understand  uppon  conference  had  wth  tlie  yonge 
gent,  that  my  father  is  lulled  in  the  securyty  of  his  cause,  and 
that  hit  is  not  untould  him  that  yf  he  may  have  that 
law  will  geve  him,  tEe  boy  shall  sure  be  his.  Your  L.  and 
my  selfe  are  growen  to  great  suspicion  because  of  oure  last 
letters,  so  that  (yf  they  could  otherweyse  chuse)  nether  yow 
nor  I  should  be  trust«d  in  this  matter.  My  lady  Sal.  to  b* 
in  assurance  of  my  father,  hathe  him  and  his  wyfe  altogether 
now  att  her  house  in  dembighe,  where  mr  Jo.  Salsbery  also  is, 
where  they  so  rule  my  father,  that  he  ratyfyethe  what  they 
thinke  fitt  to  be  don.  [several  lines  mutilated]  I  wold  to  god 
my  fathers  3Tees  were  also  opened  to  see  the  same  w<*  I  doubt 
not  might  be  compased  yf  he  weere  once  from  the  Cirens  w<* 
enchant  him,   I  mean  his  owen  wyfe   and  my   lady   the  boyes 


1  Mauriee  Wynn  also  wrote  a  letter  from  Berain  to  his  son  John 
two  years  earlier  (see  Calendar  of  Wynn  Papers,  No.  72). 

2  Wynn  Papers,  No.  87. 


2  2  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

kM0ú  I MM 

grandmother.  in  his  letter  for  all  there  perswations  he  is 
contented  to  stand  to  my  1.  crdor  in  this  matter  wch  yow  may 
assure  my  1.  he  for  his  parte  wyll  performe  lett  them  do  what 
they  will.  and  att  this  time  thej-  are  in  full  meaninge  to  stand 
wtli  my  1.  in  the  matter  .  .  .  Att  the  Inner  Tempell  this  wens- 
day  beinge  the  xth  of  Aprylle  1578. 

Your  lo.  lovinge  sonne  in  law  to  commande, 

JOHN   WYNN. 

An  undated  letter  froni  John  Wynn  to  "  Mr.  Attor- 
ney  ",  of  which  the  author's  draft  is  among  the  Wynn 
Papers,  refers  to  the  misunderstandings  and  intrigues 
with  regard  to  Ijeycester's  wardship,  and  to  a  visit  by 
Lady  Salusbury  and  her  deceased  husband's  two  executors 
to  Buxton  to  interview  Leycester.  It  is  difficult  to  un- 
ravel  the  secmence  of  events  as  only  fragments  of  the  story 
emerge  from  the  documents  available.  It  would  seem  as 
if  Lady  Salusbury  was  in  danger  of  losing  control  of  the 
Llewenni  property,  for  "  the  Little  Park  "  probably  re- 
fers  to  some  part  of  that  property.  Wynn's  letter  suggests 
that  Leycester  stood  to  gain  either  one  way  or  the  other, 
the  boy  or  the  little  park  ;  the  wardship  and  the  perqui- 
sites  appertaining  to  it,  or  part  of  the  property,  to  be  fol- 
lowed  by  Leycester  finding  means  in  a  short  time  "  to 
compasse  the  whole  ". 

John  Wynn  in  the  course  of  his  life  found  means  to 
'  compasse  "  many  additions  to  his  own  estates. 

One  thing  seems  clear,  that  Lady  Salusbury  and 
Katheryn  had  a  keen  struggle  to  preserve  control,  Maurice 
Wynn  being  but  a  weak  support  to  his  wife.  In  the  end 
the  women  won. 

John  Wynn's  letter1  to  the  Earl  of  Leycester's  attor- 
ney  is  as  follows  : — 

I  know  right  well  m»-  Aty  that  my  L.  in  Salsberyes  matter 
is  yll  delt  wf'all  but  hit  worketh  a  great  admiration  in  me 
tbat    my  L.    havinge     so     p[lain   and]    just  cause  of  offence 


ìí'i/nn  Papers,  No.  85. 


Katke?yn  of  Berain.  23 

agaenst  others  laytlie  the  [blame  to]  my  charge  wch  ever  was 
most  faethfull  on  his  [L.  bejhalfe. 

Was  ther  not  a  plaen  and  flatt  promyse  mad  to  his  L. 
by  those  wch  are  well  able  to  performe,  that  ether  the  ward 
should  be  delivered  to  his  honor,  or  the  littell  parke.  The 
on[e]  they  have  not  donne,  why  ar  they  not  urged  to  do  the 
other ? 

The  on[e]  moyty  of  the  parke  is  my  ladyes,  the  other  her 
childrens.  yf  her  moyty  weere  obtaened  accordinge  to  her 
promyse,  I  dowbt  not  but  my  L.  myght  íinde  the  means  in 
short  time  to  compasse  the  whole.  The  parke  is  never  likly  to 
be  my  brother  Salsberys  alíhoghe  (to  put  over  this  brunt)  they 
take  him  for  a  cloake  and  shadow.  Yf  I  should  not  rather 
wyshe  &  procure  hit  to  my  good  L.  &  mr,  then  to  those  to 
whom  in  no  respect  I  stand  tyed  unto,  the  world  wold  say 
that  I  had  greatly  forgotten  my  self.  Therefor  what  lyethe 
in  my  power  to  do  in  this  assure  my  L.  in  my  name  that  I  shall 
do  hit  in  sort  as  hit  shall  please  his  honor  to  direct  me. 

Perchanse  my  accuser  hathe  grated  on  my  fathers  promyse 
mad  to  my  L.  by  letter  beinge  jointly  written  by  Jhon  Salsbery 
and  my  father  :  yf  that  be  so  :  then  good  mr  Aty  answere  in 
this  sort.  The  L.  chancelor  of  Ierland,1  travelinge  towards 
Ierland  (havinge  belik  som  auctoryty  from  my  L.)  delt  wth 
my  Lady  and  the  executors  to  understand  what  they  wold  be 
contented  to  give  my  L.  for  his  interest  in  the  ward.  My  Lady 
was  content  to  ratyfy  what  her  sonne  in  law  Jhon  Salsbery 
beinge  an  executor  of  trust  should  thinke  resonable.  The  L. 
chancelor  and  he  grew  to  an  agreement :  my  father  (because 
the  ward  was  to  marry  his  doghter)  was  cawled  to  assent  &  to 
subscribe  the  letter,  wch  he  did ;  the  letters  weere  forthwth  dis- 
patched  to  his  L.  to  Buxtons :  my  Lady  uppon  knoledge  had 
of  thear  conclusion  exclamed  that  they  had  conspyred  to  undo 
her  and  her  heire  &  theere  uppon  ridd  to  Buxtons  her  selfe  to 
my  L.  accompanyed  wth  Sr  Jhons  Salsberys  executors  Jo: 
Sal :  &  Thomas  Salsbery,  thear  to  conclude  a  new  composityon 
&  to  dissolve  the  owld.  whear  what  she  &  the  executors 
promysed  my  L.  I  know  doothe  well  remember.  Sithence 
wch  time  (because  my  father  assented  att  first  to  geeve  eny 
thinge  to  his  L.)  she  hathe  remaened  his  utter  foo. 

When  I  was  att  Buxtons  wth  his  honor  I  towld  him  then 
that  I  feared  that  my  Lady  wold  not  stand  to  her  promyse : 
his  honor  replyed  that  she  should  first  repent  hit.  Sythence 
then  Sir  Jhon  w[ent  to  th]e  contrey  &  sifted  the  matter 
thoroly.     yf  he  sa[w  that  th]er  was  any  fawt  in  my  father 


Sir  William  Gerard. 


24  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

or  that  att  all  times  that  my  father  hathe  not  doone  his 
utter-most  indevor  to  cause  my  Lady  to  stand  to  her  promyse 
then  beleve  me  no  more. 

The  promyses  considered  I  refer  my  self  &  this  çause  to 
my  honorable  consideration  to  judge  whether  I  have  offended 
or  have  beene  wrongfully  accused. 

JOHN    WYNN. 

Thomas  Salusbury  was  entered  as  matriculating  at 
Trinity  College,  Oxford,  29th  January,  1579/80,  aged  16,1 
but  he  was  at  Oxford  before  that  time,  as  appears  from  the 
letter  of  3rd  April,  1578,  already  quoted.  In  this  letter, 
written  after  the  death  of  Sir  John  Salusbury,  Maurice 
Wynn  says  that  before  his  death  Salusbury  declared  he 
had  sent  to  Oxford  for  the  boy,  in  order  to  put  him  in 
Wynn's  charge,  at  the  same  time  desiring  that  the  match 
with  Wynn's  daughter  might  take  place. 

Maurice  Wynn  died  in  August,  1580,  and  Katheryn  was 
a  widow  for  the  third  time.  There  were  two  children  of 
the  Wynn  marriage,  Edward  and  Jane.  Edward  was  the 
ancestor  of  the  Wynns  of  Llwyn  ;  Jane  we  shall  encounter 
again. 

Katheryn  was  the  mother  of  six  children,  two  Salus- 
burys,  two  Cloughs,  and  two  Wynns.  She  went  to  Berain 
to  live,  and  among  the  Llewenni  papers  is  a  lease  dated 
March  8th,  1580/1,  from  "  Katheryn  Wynn  of  Berayne, 
co.  Denbigh,  widow,  daughter  and  heir  of  Tudur  ap  Eobert 
.  .  .  to  Eobert  Vaughan  of  Beawmarreis  .  .  .  servant  of 
Sir  Henry  Sidney,  President  of  the  Council  of  the 
Marches,  of  a  close  called  The  Dtiffhouse  Groft  and  appur- 
tenances  in  Beawmarreis.  Term  21  years.  Yearly  rent, 
35s.  4d.  Signed,  Katheryn  Wynn.  Witnesses  :  Margarett 
Salusbury  ;  William  Birchinsha  ;  John  Tudder ;  John  ap 
Jeuan  ;  Jeuan  Thomas  ap  Ken'  ;  John  Graves." 

1  Foster:  Alnmni  O.ronienses,  p.  1305.  The  age,  16.  would  fix  the 
date  of  birth  as  1564,  two  and  a  half  years  before  his  father's  death. 
and  tliat  of  bis  brother  John  during  tlie  year  1565  or  1566. 


Ratheryn  of  Berain.  25 

The  reference  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  President  of  the 
Council  of  the  Marches,  is  interesting.  The  first  witness, 
Margarett  Salusbury,  is  no  doubt  the  wife  of  Katheryn's 
son,  Thomas  Salusbury,  which  proves  that  the  child  mar- 
riage  had  been  solemnized  as  arranged,  and  that  Margaret, 
on  the  death  of  her  father,  went  to  Berain  to  live,  while 
her  young  husband,  now  seventeen,  was  studying  at 
Oxford,  where  he  had  joined  the  secret  society  formed  by 
a  number  of  wealthy  young  men,  led  by  Babington,  with 
the  object  of  protecting  and  maintaining  Jesuit  mission- 
aries  who  were  then  arriving  in  England.  The  last  wit- 
ness  but  one  was  probably  the  Jeuan  ap  Thomas  ap  Kyn' 
(Kenrick  or  Kynrick)  referred  to  in  Katheryn's  letter  of 
February,  1577,  to  John  Wynn  as  being  in  trouble  for 
the  killing  of  William  ap  Bic[hard]  with  a  stone. 

Thus  in  the  spring  of  1581  Berain  was  again  the  home 
of  Katheryn,  where  she  lived  surrounded  by  her  children, 
including  Margaret,  the  wife  of  her  oldest  child,  Thomas 
Salusbury.  John  Wynn  went  to  reside  at  Gwydir  soon 
after  the  death  of  his  father  in  the  summer  of  1580.  Lady 
Salusbury,  widow  of  Sir  John,  still  lived  at  Llewenni. 

No  documents  are  available  to  show  what  happened 
during  the  period  between  March,  1581,  and  January, 
1583.  Much  may  be  conjectured,  for  a  draft  has  recently 
come  to  light  of  articles  of  agreement  dated  at  Berain  on 
the  fifth  of  January,  1583,  for  a  double  marriage.  The 
parties  are  Thomas  Salusbury  of  Llewenni  (Katheryn's 
brother-in-law),  and  John  Wynn  of  Gwydir  (her  step-son), 
of  the  one  part,  and  Simon  Thelwall  of  Plâs  y  Ward  and 
his  son  and  heir,  Edward,  of  the  other  part. 

Katheryn  was  to  become  the  wife  of  Edward  Thelwall, 
and  her  daughter,  Jane  Wynn,  the  wife  of  his  son  and 
heir,  Simon  Thelwall,  who  was  born  in  1570  and  was 
therefore  twelve  years  of  age  ;  Jane  Wynn  was  urider  ten 


2 6  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

years — another  child  marriage  in  fact.1  Jane  Wynn  was 
to  receive  a  dowry  of  .£400  on  her  marriage  with  Simon, 
'  or,  if  he  die,  with  either  of  his  brothers  Herbert  and 
William  respectively  ". 

Three  generations  of  Thelwalls  were  living  when  this 
agreement  was  drawn  up,  Simon  the  elder,  his  son 
Edward,  and  his  son  Simon  the  yoimger.  This  arrange- 
ment  recalls  the  very  similar  agreement  for  the  Salusbury- 
Wynn  alliance  already  described. 

Simon  Thelwall  senior,  of  Plâs  y  Ward,  was  a  person 
of  some  importance  in  his  day.  He  was  born  in  1526,  the 
eldest  son  of  Richard  Thelwall  of  Plâs  y  Ward,  admitted 
to  the  Inner  Temple  23rd  February,  1556,  and  called  to  the 
Bar  8th  February,  1568,  M.P.  for  Denbigh  1553  and  1571, 
for  Denbighshire  1563-7,  and  High  Sheriff  1572.  Hewas 
one  of  the  Council  of  the  Marches,  Deputy  Justice  of 
Chester  1576  and  1579,  and  Vice  Justice  of  Chester  1580 
and  1584.  He  married  Alice,  daughter  of  Robert  Salusbury 
of  Rug  and  Bachymbyd,  and  died  1586. 2  If  these  dates 
can  be  accepted,  Simon  Thelwall  senior  was  only  nine 
years  older  than  Eatheryn,  and  her  fourth  husband  must 
have  been  her  junior  by  some  years.  He  was  a  widower, 
with  three  sons,  the  eldest,  born  in  1570,  being  the  pro- 
spective  husband  of  Katheryn's  daughter,  Jane  Wynn. 

The  Fourth  Marriage. 

The  date  of  the  marriage  of  IÝatheryn  to  Edward 
Thelwall  is  not  known,  but  it  was  probably  not  long  after 
the  date  of  the  draft  agreement,  some  time  in  1583.  Plâs 
y  Ward  was  still  occupied  by  Thelwall's  father,  and  Thel- 

1  Child  marriages  were  not  infreqnent  in  the  region  of  Chester  at 
that  time.  See  Child-Marriayes.  Diiorces,  and  Iiatijìcations.  §c,  in 
the  Diocese  of  Chester,  A.D.  1561-6.  Edited  .  .  .  .  by  Frederick  J. 
Fnrnivall,  M.A.     London  :  Early  English  Text  Society,  1897. 

•  W.  R.  Williunis:  History  of  the  Great  èessions  of  Wales,  ]£í?9. 


Katheryii  of  Beraiii.  27 

wall  went  to  live  at  Berain  ;  that  he  wras  there  in  October, 
1585,  is  shown  by  a  document  among  the  Wynn  Papers,1 
a  receipt  for  ten  pounds  paid  by  John  Wynn  of  Gwydir  to 
Edward  Thelwall  and  his  wife,  each  of  whom  signed  the 
receipt,  "  Ed.  Theloal  "  and  "  Eatheryn  Theloal",  the 
signatures  being  witnessed  by  Ma.  Salusburye  (i.e.  Mar- 
garet,  wrife  of  Thomas  Salusbury),  John  Salusbury,  John 
Tudder,  and  John  Lloyd.  It  may  be  inferred  from  the 
absence  of  the  name  of  Thomas  Salusbury  from  the  wit- 
nesses  that  he  was  not  at  Berain  in  October,  1585. 

A  few  months  later,  February,  1585/6,  a  daughter  was 
born  to  Thomas  and  Margaret  Salusbury,2  and  an  agree- 
ment,  dated  the  tenth  of  February,  wTas  executed  between 
Thomas  Salusbury  of  Ijlewenni3  and  John  Wynn  of 
Gwydir,  "  in  consideration  of  a  marriage  already  solem- 
nized",  etc.  Thomas  Salusbury  undertakes  for  the 
settling  of  all  his  properties  to  coiwey  the  same  to  John 
Wynn  to  the  use  of  himself  and  his  wife,  with  remainder 
to  his  sons  by  Margaret  in  order  of  seniority  and  to  heirs 
male,  with  remainder  to  his  brother,  John  Salusbury,  and 
his  sons  and  heirs  male,  etc.  The  inheritance  of  Ivatheryn, 
his  mother,  however,  failing  heirs  male  of  his  marriage, 
was  to  go  to  his  daughter,  Margaret,  with  remainder  to 
any  other  daughters  of  Thomas  Salusbury,  etc. 

The  year  1586  was  full  of  fate  for  Katheryn.  It  opened 
with  the  birth  of  her  first  grandchild  to  survive  infancy  ; 
her  fourth  father-in-law,  Simon  Thelwall  of  Plâs  y  Ward, 
died  in  April ;  in  September  her  oldest  child,  Thomas 
Salusbury,  was  executed,  with  others,  for  alleged  treason  ; 

1  Wì/nn  Papers,  No.  101. 

2  At  an  earlier  date  a  son  had  been  born  to  Thonias  and  Margaret, 
named  John,  but  had  died  an  infant. 

3  Though  described  as  of  Llewenni  there  is  no  evidence  that  he 
made  his  home  there.  His  grandmother,  Lady  Jane  Salusbury,  was 
still  living. 


28  Katkeryn  of  Berain. 

and  in  December  her  second  son,  John  Salusbury,  now 
heir  to  Llewenni,  was  married. 

Thomas  Salusbury  appears  to  have  been  a  rather  weak 
character,  a  stubborn  visionary,  easily  led.  The  evidence 
on  which  he  and  his  fellows  were  convicted  was  considered 
sufficient  in  those  suspicious  days,  but  would  to-day  be 
laughed  at.  There  is  a  record  of  the  trial  in  Howell's 
State  Trials,  Vol.  1,  page  1127  et  seq.,  and  some  refer- 
ences  in  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission — XIVth 
Report,  App.,  p.  614. 

The  "  Babington  "  conspiracy  in  which  Thomas  Salus- 
bury  became  involved  took  final  shape  in  April,  1586.  Its 
object  was  not  to  assassinate  the  Queen,  as  alleged,  but 
the  conspirators  admitted  that  their  aim  was  to  put  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots  on  the  English  throne.  They  were  a 
number  of  wealthy  young  men,  led  by  Babington.  Thomas 
Salusbury  had  joined  this  secret  society  while  at  Oxford  in 
1580. 

The  execution  was  followed  by  a  commission  being 
sent  down  to  inquire  into  Thomas  Salusbury's  estate,  and 
a  jury  was  empanelled.  This  part  of  the  story  is  un- 
folded  in  a  memorandum  among  the  Wynn  Papers/.pre- 
pared  by  or  for  Sir  John  Wynn  after  the  death  of  Sir  John 
Salusbury  the  younger  (1612).  As  this  important  docu- 
ment  is  only  briefly  described  in  the  Wvnn  Calendarit  is 
desirable  to  reproduce  it  here. 

Tuder  ap  Robert  esqr  being  sei'ed  of  the  Capittall  mess' 
of  Beraigne  et  al'  terr'  infra  dominium  de  denbighe  et  Com. 
Anglisey  m'ried  Jane  daughter  and  heire  to  Sr.  Rowland 
Velivell  kt.  Cohstable  of  Beawmarise  in  whose  right  the  said 
Tuder  was  lihewise  sei'ed  of  diverse  lands  in  Anglisey  etc. 
Tuder  ap  Robt  and  Jane  Velivell  had  issue  Katrine  Tuder 
theire  sole  daughter  &  heire  wch  Ratrine  m'ried  to  her  furste 
husband  John  Salesbury  esqr  son  &  heire   apparaunt  to  Sr. 


1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  1387. 


Ratheryn  of  Berain.  29 

John  Salesbuíy  of  Lleweny  kt  whoe  died  before  his  father 
having  issue  by  Katrine  Tuder  ii  sons  viz  Thomas  Sal :  after- 
wárds  attainted  ifc  Sr  John  Sal :  the  last  of  Lleweny.  Thomas 
Sal :  attainted  m'ried  M'grett  daughter  to  Moriee  Wyn  of 
Gwedir  esqr  &  by  her  had  issue  M'grett  Sal :  sole  daughter 
&  heire  w<*  M'grett  Sal :  m'ried — son  &  heire  to  Sr.  —  Moriee 
of  Speake  by  whom  she  hath  issue  div'se.sons  &  daughters. 

John  Sal :  furste  husband  to  Ratrine  Tuder  dying  yonge 
having  Thomas  Sal :  and  John  Sal :  the  said  Katrine  m'ried 
Ric'  Clowghe  <fe  Morice  Wyn  &  Ed'  Tlieloall  esqrs  &  by  Cloughe 
&  Morice  had  issue. 

Sr.  John  Sal :  father  to  Jon  husband  to  Katrine  upon  the 
death  of  hLs  eldest  son  drewe  his  daughter  in  lawe  Katrine 
Tuder  to  passe  an  estate  of  all  her  lands  to  her  yssue  by  her 
furst  husband  John  Sal  :  q  :  if  anie  office  weare  found  aftor 
that  younge  man.  Thomas  Sal.  theldest  son  of  John  Sal  & 
Katrine  abouts  A'o  1586  was  attainted  of  treason.  his  mother 
then  liring  &  m'ried  to  Ed'  Theloall  upon  w<*  Attainder  of 
Thomas  Sal  :  a  Comission  Came  down  to  enquire  of  his 
estate  and  a  Jury  empanelled  whoe  by  some  old  estate  to 
theires  males  of  Lleweny  saved  the  inheritaunce  of  Salesbury 
i'rom  forffecture.  And  as  touching  Beraine  &  the  lands  in 
Anglizey  being  Katrine  Tuders  inheritaunce  &  she  then  living 
&  her  son  Thomas  nev'  seised  theirof  the  Jury  fownd  nothing 
but  left  it  as  thoughe  thestate  were  absolute  in  her  for  if 
the  estate  form'ly  made  by  Katrine  Tuder  to  her  issue  by 
John  Sal  had  heine  p'duced  Beraine  etc.  had  gone  to  the 
Crowne  that  office'  wch  was  ffownd  upon  Thomas  Sal :  his 
attaindor  is  requisite  to  be  seene  wch  is  of  Record. 

The  estate  made  by  Katrine  Tuder  of  her  lands  to  her 
furste  husbands  issue  is  not  \xth  us  att  Gwedir  but  muste 
remaine  at  lleweny  for  it  is  to  be  intended  that  Katrine  Tuder 
had  past  it  longe  before  her  interm'iedge  with  Morice  Wyn 
other  wise  she  wold  have  done  somthinge  for  her  issue  by 
Cloẅghe  &  by  him  &  sp'ially  for  Ed'd  Wynne  her  son. 

The  documents  mentioned  as  '  nott  with  us  att 
Gwedir  '  have  been  found,  in  part  at  least,  among  the 
Llewenni  papers,  and  have  been  used  in  preparing  this 
account  of  Ratheryn.     These  documents  are  too  lengthy 

1  Office  =  "  An  otficial  inquest  or  inquiry  concerning  any  matter 
that  entitles  the  king  to  the  possession  of  lands  or  chattels.  To  finâ 
an  ojîce  —  to  retnrn  a  verdict  showing  that  the  king  is  thus  entitled. 
Office  found  =  a  verdict  having  this  effect.  The  same  term  also  occurs 
earlier  in  the  document. 


30  Ratheryn  of  Berain. 

for  reproduction  here,  but  they  will  be  dealt  with  in  the 
Calendar  of  Llewenni  Papers  now  in  preparation. 

It  must  have  been  an  anxious  time  for  Katheryn  when 
the  Commission  came  down  to  inquire.  According  to  Sir 
John  Wynn's  notes  just  recited,  if  the  documents  relating 
to  the  settlements  made  after  the  death  of  her  first  hus- 
band  had  been  made  known  to  the  Commissioners,  Berain 
and  Penmynydd  would  have  been  liable  to  forfeiture.  The 
documents  were  not  produced  and  the  danger  passed. 

The  knowledge  that  the  Crown  might  step  in  and 
attach  at  least  some  of  these  estates  must  have  disturbed 
Katheryn  considerably,  following  on  the  heels  of  her  other 
troubles.  Her  heart  thus  grievously  wrung  by  the  execu- 
tion  of  her  elder  son  and  the  risk  of  forfeiture  of  his  estate, 
she  proceeded  to  huiry  on  the  marriage  of  her  younger 
son,  John  Salusbury,  now  the  heir  to  Llewenni,  which 
would  pass  to  other  Salusburys  in  default  of  heirs  male  to 
Katheryn's  son.  Again  the  two  sirens,  as  Sir  John  Wynn 
called  them,  Katheryn  and  her  mother-in-law,  Dame 
Salusbury,  may  have  connived  together,  and  three  months 
after  his  brother's  execution  John  Salusbury  was  married 
to  ürsula  Stanley,  a  daughter  of  Henry  Stanley,  4th  Earl 
of  Derby. 

We  get  a  glimpse  of  the  marriage  festivities  in  a 
'  poysie  ' '  presented  to  Katheryn  at  Berain  on  the  27th 
December,  1586,  where  a  masque  was  performed  as  part 
of  the  proceedings  to  greet  the  home-coming  of  John 
Salusbury  and  his  bride.  They  were  married  on  the  18th 
December. 

In  the  Christ  Church   MS.  already  referred  to,   the 
following  entry  occurs  : — 

This  Poysie  was  presented  In  A  Maske  att  Berine  In 
Christmas  the  xxvijth  0F  Desember  1586 :  vnto  M"s  Katherin 
Thelloall,  Beinge  written  In  A  Sheelde  And  Deliuerede  by 
William  Winne  OF  LLanver  Esquier  at  the  Mariage  of  Iohn 


Ratheryn  of  Berain.  3 1 

Salisburye  of  LLeweuy  Esquier  Her  Sonne  and  heaire  wth 
Vr§ula  Stanley  Daughter  vnto  the  righte  Honorable  Henrie 
Earle  of  Derbye  And  devisede  by  Roger  Salisburye  of  bache- 
gerige  Esquier 

Dame  Venus  deare  youe  Maye  Rejoyee 
at  your  Sonne  Cupides  happy  Choyse 
To  hym  as  By  the  Gods  Asseignde 
For  to  delighte  hys  doulfull  mynde,  &c. 
This  other  Poysie  was  prsentede  in  The  former  Maske  in  A 
Sheelde  alsoe  by  Rog  :   Sal :   of  bach  :   esquier  Vnto  Vr  :   Sal : 
wyfe  Arnto  Mr  Io  :  Sa  :   Afore  saide  And  devised  by  the  sayde 
Rog:  Sal: 

The  Ljon  Rampinge1  for  his  Praye 
A  princlye  byrde  hee  dyd  Assaye 
and  hauinge  winges  to  flye  at  Will, 
yet  Caughte  her  faste  &  houlds  hir  still 
"\yth  hyr  to  sporte  as  Lyckes  them  beste, 
Thoughe  Lions   stoute  vse   not  to  jest 
A  thinge  moste  strange  yet  is  ytt  trewe, 
God  graunt  them  Joy  and  so  Adewe. 
Finies 

On  the  death  of  his  father  Edward  Thelwall  became 
possessed  of  Plâs  y  Ward,  whither  in  due  course  he  and 
his  wTife  went  to  reside. 

Lady  Salusbury  was  still  living  at  Llewenni ;  the  date 

of  her  death  is  curiously  not  recorded  on  the  tomb  which 

she  erected  in  Whitchurch,  Denbigh,  in  1588,  for  her  late 

husband  and  herself.     She  is  described  on  the  monument 

as     '  daughter  and  Co  heier  of  dauid  Midleton   esquier 

alderman  of  westchester  .   .   .  died  :  the  of  in 

A°  15  ".    The  registers  of  Bodfari  parish  record  the 

baptisms  of  the  children  of  John  Salusbury  and  his  wife, 

Ursula  Stanley.     The  entries  up  to  1595  describe  him  as 

'  heir  of  Llewenny  ",  and  in  1597  he  is  called  "  Mr.  John 

Salusbury  of  Lleweny  Esquire",  from'  which  entries  it 

may  be  inferred  that  his  grandmother  died  some  time  be- 

tween  the  seventh  of  May,  1595,  and  the  sixth  of  June, 

1597. 

1  The  arms  of  the  Salusburys  of  Llewenni,  a  lion  rampant,  on  a 
shield. 


Katheryn  of  Berain. 


û- 


If  this  inference  is  correct  the  older  of  the  two 
"  sirens  "  outlived  the  younger  by  rive  or  six  years. 

There  is  reason  for  believing  that  relations  between 
Dame  Salusbury  and  Katheryn  were  none  too  pleasant 
during  the  later  years  of  Katheryn's  life.  The  strained 
feeling  was  most  likely  due  to  property  dispositions.  The 
Berain  property,  as  we  have  shown,  was  settled  on  the 
only  child  of  Thomas  Salusbury,  his  daughter.  It  may 
have  been  that  when  Katheryn  went  to  Plâs  y  Ward  the 
widow  of  Thomas  Salusbury  with  her  daughter  remained 
at  Berain,  while  John  Salusbury  with  his  wife  went  to 
reside  with  his  grandmother  at  Llewenni. 

A  letter1  dated  November  23rd,  1590,  gives  a  hint  of 

the  position  as  between  Berain  and  Plâs  y  Ward.     It  is 

from  William  Birchinshaw  of  Denbigh  (either  a  solicitor 

or  an  estate  agent),  to  "  John  Salüsburye  of  Lleweny,  Esq. 

at  Mr  Thomas  Martenes  house  in  holbourne  ".  After  deal- 

ing  with  various  business  matters  the  writer  proceeds  : — 

As  for  the  release  from  Mr.  Shereff  &  your  mother  to  my 
TJncle  Roberte  gwynne  I  have  conferred  for  it  with  her  all- 
readie  and  shee  answereth  me  that  as  soone  as  shee  maie  come 
home  to  plaswarde  (for  shee  is  yet  at  Beraine)  it  shall  be  done 
accordinglie.  Thus  I  have  thought  it  my  dutie  to  certifie  you 
of  what  you  comytted  me  in  charge :  and  so  to  take  leave  for 
this  tyme,  hoping  of  your  saulf  arryvall  at  your  jorneys  ende, 
and  of  the  good  successe  of  your  business  sethence,  which  I 
praie  god  to  graunt.  denbigh  this  monday  evening  the  xxiijth 
of  november  1590. 

So  far  this  letter  is  the  only  bit  of  evidence  available 
for  the  closing  years  of  Katheryn's  life.  She  died  27th 
August,  1591,  at  the  age  of  56,  and  was  buried  in  Llan- 
efydd  Church.  No  monument  marks  her  last  resting  place, 
which  fact  has  been  the  subject  of  comment,  considering 
the  great  place  she  filled  during  her  life,  and  the  number  of 
her  descendants.     There  is  nothing  extant  which  throws 

1  Lleioenni  Papers. 


PLATE  4. 


•>, 


To  face  />.  3 
Çatherine  Morgan-  The  Caegwyn  Portrait,  by  Gilbert  Jackson,  1632. 


Matheryn  of  Berain.  33 

light  on  this  singular  neglect  of  the  memory  of  so  great 
a  lady. 

An  elegy  by  Hugh  Machno  refers  to  her  death  as 
taking  place  at  Plâs  y  Ward,  whence  her  body  was  re- 
moved  to  Berain,  and  then  to  Llanefydd  for  burial. 

Many  stories  of  her  ways  and  doings  are  told  in  North 
Wales.  Some  are  spiteful  and  rest  only  on  gossip  ;  such 
tales  increase  in  the  telling. 

There  is  the  legend,  for  instance,  of  many  lovers  in 
addition  to  her  four  husbands. 

The  story  goes  that  when  she  tired  of  a  lover  she 
poured  molten  lead  in  his  ears  and  buried  him  in  the 
orchard  at  Berain.  If  there  is  any  grain  of  truth  under- 
lying  this  story  it  surely  can  only  refer  to  the  last  ten 
years  of  her  life,  during  part  of  which  she  lived  at  Berain. 

It  is  also  said  that  her  fourth  husband,  Thelwall,  kept 
her  under  strict  surveillance  and  treated  her  unkindly. 
This  is  not  borne  out  by  such  evidence  as  is  obtainable. 
The  letter  of  William  Birchinshaw  quoted  above  shows 
that  in  the  year  1590  she  was  actively  taking  part  in 
business  affairs,  and  free  to  go  to  and  fro  between  Plâs  y 
Ward  and  Berain. 

Marriage  and  Christmas  festivities  combined,  with  a 
'  maske  "  or  play,  poetic  addresses  to  the  bridegroom's 
mother,  and  to  the  bride,  do  not  suggest  a  husband  and 
wife  at  variance.  On  the  contrary  they  suggest  a  coura- 
geous  woman,  sorrowing  for  the  execution  of  one  son, 
bravely  nerving  herself  to  give  a  joyful  marriage  festivity 
to  the  other.  Katheryn  was  about  fifty-one  years  of  age 
when  these  events  took  place,  if  the  assumed  date  of  her 
birth,  1535,  is  correct.  She  lived  a  little  over  five  years 
longer.  Many  eloquent  tributes  to  her  memory  and  good- 
ness  were  called  forth  by  her  death.  A  few  of  them  are 
printed   in   Poems   by   Sir  John   Saìusbury   and   Robert 

p 


34  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

Chester,  pp.  36-47,  including  two  in  Latin  by  Owen  Jones, 
Clericus,  another  in  Latin  signed  David  Jones,  one  in 
English  by  Robert  Salusbury  "  Doctor  of  the  civille  law  ' 
(brother  of  Katheryn's  first  husband),  another  in  English 
by  Cadwaladr  Wynn  of  Yoylas,  and,  most  important  of 
all,  the  Epitaph  of  mistris  Ratheryn  Theloaìl,  by  Robert 
Parry,  the  eminent  poet  whose  unique  little  volume  of 
poems,  Sinetes  Passions,  1597,  formerly  of  the  Britwell 
Court  library,  now  reposes  in  the  Henry  Huntington 
library  at  San  Marino,  California.1 

Robert  Parry  is  closely  associated  with  the  literary  life 
of  Katheryn's  son  John  (afterwards  Sir  John)  Salusbury, 
but  that  is  a  long  and  interesting  story  which  cannot  be 
dealt  with  here. 

Nor  wTere  the  Welsh  poets  silent — Katheryn's  praises 
were  recited  by  Simwnt  Fychan,  Sion  Phylip,  William 
Cynwal,  Sion  Tudur,  Huw  Machno,  Morus  Berwyn, 
Rhisiart  Phylip,  Robert  Ifan,  Edward  ap  Raph,  and 
others. 

Many  of  these  elegies  are  to  be  found  in  the  Christ 
Church  manuscript,  and  in  various  manuscripts  in  the 
National  Library.    The  following  is  one  example  : — 

Coioydd  manonad  am.  meistres  Catrin  Tudur,  o  waith 
Simwnt  Vychan. 

Gwae  lu  pann  dywyllo  gwlad 
gwael  yw  heb  i  goleuad 
kwyn  oer  dig  fal  kynnar  dwyll 
kennym,  ddifFoddiad  kannwyll 
duw  hoff  weddi  diffoddes 
doe  gannwyll  aur,  dug  yn  lles 
yr  honn  gannwyll  aur  hynod 
oedd  wraic  lân  yn  heuddu'r  glod 
bwriwyd  Aeres  llys  berain 
bur  ddoe  'mysc  manbridd  a  main. 

1  By  the  courtesy  of  the  Librarian  and  Trustees  a  photostat  copy 
is  in  the  National  Library  of  Wales, 


Ratheryn  of  Beraìn. 

Teg  i  feirdd  tew  gyfyrddynt 
trin  gwin  mastres  Catrin  gynt. 
Ofer  i  wann  kwynfann  knr 
west  wedi  Aeres  dudur 
wyr  a  phennes  ar  ffynnu 
irlan  Robart  fychan  fu 
Aeres  gynt  a  roes  y  gwin 
Ai  haelwyd  ar  dir  heilin 
Ar  ol  Aeres  Syr  Rolant 
felyfel  tric  oerfel  trwy  gant. 
bu  iddi  'mysc  budd  a  mawl 
bedwar  o  wyr  gwybodawl 
pedwar  post  heb  annostec 
pedwar  angel  tawel  têc 
Or  kyntaf  adroddaf  draw 
Aer  y  ssydd,  hiroes  iddaw 
Ai  haer  fal  y  mynnai  hi 
yw  lluniaidd  Aer  lleweni 
Aer  Sion  ai'n  uweh  ris  no  neb 
wyr  marchoc  enwoc  wyneb. 
Arall  Sion,  a  merch  iarll  ssydd 
yn  unair  fal  glan  winwydd. 
Trydydd  Sion  at  aur  adail 
lleweni  dêc  ai  llwyn  dail 
Sion  aur  galonn  i  gelwir 
Syr  Sion  i  kroessawo'r  ssir 
yn  lleweni  ai  llannerch 
y  bu  dri  Syrr  byw  drwy  sserch 
A  Sion  at  faes  yntau  fydd 
eb  daring  yn  bedwerydd 
koffr  y  gwir,  kaiff  hir  gariad 
kymro  a  ludd,  kam  ir  wlad. 
Y  mae  merch  gywirsserch  gall 
yn  wyr,  o  fab  gwynn  arall 
i  gatrin  llin  darlleinynt 
or  ail  gwr  ssynhwyrol  gynt 
klowch  o  rissiart  klwch  rassol 
kawn  had  a  dyhio'n  i  hôl 
dwy  aeres  hynod  eirwir 
draw  yn  dal  dwyrann  o  dir 
Ann  a  chalonn  wych  helaeth 
aur  gost  i  fachegraic  aeth 
Mari  nyffrynn  harddwynn  hir 
Melai  yno  i  moliennir. 
Or  trydydd  gŵr  at  rediad 
i  Gatrin  gwydd  gwin  a  gâd 
da  gynnyrch  dau  eginynn 
fry  ssy  imp  o  Yorys  Wynn 


30  Ratheryn  of  Berain. 


ô 


Edwart  gwynn,  draw  at  y  gwir 
a  ddewissant  drwy  ddwyssir 
A  Sian  or  grymus  winwydd 
ymhlas  y  ward  ai  mawl  ssydd 
yn  briod  un  wennbur  dâl 
a  theilwng  aer  o  Thelwal 
dyna  hardd  flodau'n  i  hol 

0  dri  gwr  da  ragorol 
pedwerydd  aur  winwydd  ryw 
y  ssydd  alarus  heddyw 

1  mastr  Edwart  friwddart  fraw 
thelwal  y  mae  gwaith  wylaw 
plas  y  ward  koel  iownwad  klêr 
poenus  fu  gwympo  i  hanner 

Or  ty  hwnn,  gwae'n  nassiwn  ni 

y  tynnwyd  plaid  daioni 

Ni  thynnir,  gwae'n  iaith  ennyd 

bath  honn  o  burion  y  byd 

kwyn  oedd  anap  kan  ddynion 

kwyn  blwng  wrth  gynhebrwng  honn 

0  lann  ynys,  felys  fawl 
i  lann  ufudd,  le  nefawl 

fry  i  wynn  dŷ  fair  wenn  dwyn 
iw  gwyddfa  y  wraic  addfwyn 
Tenantiaid  truanniaid  draw 
Tylwyth,  doeth  arnynt  wylaw 
pob  nai,  pob  nith  chwith  fu'r  chwedl 
pybyr  gwyn,  pawb  o'r  genedl. 
Oedran  oedd,  drwy  iawn  addef 
y  gwynn  wr  ai  dug  i  nef 
wythgant  a  sseithgant  dann  ssel 
naw  dêg,  ac  un  diogel 

1  dylwyth  hyd  bryd  elawr 
duw  fyth  y  mae  adwy  fawr 

I  sswydd  gynt,  kwrs  hawdd  a  gaid 
ai  rhinwedd,  rhoi  i  weiniaid 
Graslawn  hoff  uniawn  ffynnu 
goludawc  hyfoethawc  fu 
Oi  theilwng  gyfoeth  helaeth 
at  duw  ir  nef  katrin  aeth. 

N.L.W.  Peniarth  MS.  121. 


Rhisiart  Phylip  in  his  elegy  praises  greatly  Katheryn's 
generosity  : — 


Pob  noeth  fo  wyr  pawb  i  nad 
a  ddiwallodd  o  ddillad. 


Ratheryn  of  Berain.  t>7 

Ni  bu  ddyn  a  newyn  awr 
wrth  i  drws  ddiwarth  dryssawr 
Na  chafodd  iawn  i  chofiaw 
ginio'n  wir  ddigon  i  naw.1 

Christ  Church  MS.,  p.  195. 

Surely  that  is  an  all-sufficient  monument  to  a  loveable  and 
gracious  lady. 

It  has  been  observed  that  although  the  first  Lord 
Herbert  of  Cherbury  resided  for  a  time  at  Plâs  y  Ward 
he  makes  no  mention  of  Katheryn  in  his  Autobiography. 
He  was  sent  when  nine  years  of  age  to  learn  Welsh  from 
Edward  Thelwall.  This  was  about  the  year  1592,  when 
Katheryn  had  been  dead  at  least  a  year,  and  it  is  not  sur- 
prising  that,  writing  many  years  later,  his  recollection  of 
his  residence  with  Edward  Thelwall  contains  no  reference 
to  her. 

The  Portraits. 

Of  the  four  reputed  portraits  two  only  can  be  accepted 
as  being  genuine,  the  Ehiwlas  and  the  Llewesog  paint- 
ings.  With  the  kind  permission  of  the  owners  the  four 
paintings  have  been  photographed,  and  are  reproduced. 

The  late  Mr.  James  D.  Milner,  Director  of  the  National 
Portrait  Gallery,  made  a  careful  study  of  the  four  as 
far  as  this  was  possible  from  photographs  ;  his  illness  and 
much  regretted  death  prevented  the  visit  to  examine  the 
originals  which  we  had  planned.  He,  however,  made  the 
notes  which  follow  : — 

' '  With  regard  to  the  four  portraits  said  to  represent 

Catherine  of  Berain  which  you  now  have  on  exhibition. 
1.     The  youthful  painting  of  17  or  20. 

1  Every  naked  one  (his  wail  is  known  to  all)  she  fully  supplied  with 
clothing.  Never  was  there  a  hungry  man  at  her  door  (irreproachable 
treasure)  who  did  not  truly  receive  a  dinner  sufficient  for  nine  (it  is 
right  that  she  sliould  be  remembered). 


-»8  Ratheryn   of  Berain. 


á 


2.  The  rniddle  aged  lady  dated  1568. 

3.  The  elderly  lady  c.  55  or  60. 

4.  The  young  lady  dated  1632. 

I  m'ust  say  that  anatornically  they  are  irreconcilable 
and  cannot  possibly  represent  the  same  lady  at  any 
period  of  her  life. 

Careful  examination  of  the  excellent  photographs 
you  sent  disclose  such  differences  in  the  features,  such 
a  variation  in  the  bony  construction,  that  no  serious 
student  of  portrait-anatomy  would  dare  pronounce  all 
four  ladies  to  be  the  same  person  painted  by  different 
artists  and  at  different  ages. 

Let  us  examine  the  photographs  in  detail. 

1.  (Ehiwlas).  Although  the  costume  looks  correct 
for  the  period  1550-5  it  was  very  un-English  for  such 
heavy  gold  chains  to  be  worn  round  the  neck  :  the 
painting  suggests  a  much  later  date  and  the  crackleur 
of  the  paint  in  the  background  rather  supports  this 
suggestion.  I  must  see  the  original  before  I  commit 
rnyself  further. 

2.  (Llewesog).  This  painting,  dated  1568,  was  pro- 
bably  executed  in  Flanders  while  she  was  the  wife  of 
Eichard  Clough  and  resident  in  Antwerp.  The  work 
is  decidedly  Flemish  in  technique  and  the  head,  judg- 
ing  from  the  larger  of  the  two  photographs,  beautifully 
modelled.  Besides,her  age  when  this  portrait  was  done, 
viz.  34,  is  exactly  right.  In  my  opinion  this  is  a  very 
fine  portrait  and  probably  the  only  authentic  one  of  the 
first  three,  for  the  fourth  is  quite  out  of  the  question. 
(The  inscription  is  Ano  Dni  1568  Catherine  Tudor  of 
Beren). 

3.  (Wigfair).  This  portrait  as  far  as  the  lady's  age 
is  concerned  might  well  be  correct,  but  I  think  that 
the  details  of  costiune  rather  suggest  a  later  date  than 


Kathcrvn  of  Berain.  39 

1591,  the  year  of  her  death  ;  besides,  I  doubt  if  the 
practice  of  painting  the  subject  within  an  oval  spandril 
was  in  vogue  quite  so  early.  The  portrait  suggests  the 
technique  of  early  17th  century  rather  than  that  of  the 
last  decade  of  the  16th.  There  is  a  faint,  very  faint 
possibility  of  reconciling  the  features  of  Nos.  1  and 
3,  but  none  whatever  of  agreement  between  Nos.  2 
and  3. 

4.   (Cae-gwyn).  This  portrait  which  is  dated  1632 

and  signed  Gilbert  Jack  is  painted  by  the  well-known 

artist  Gilbert  Jackson,  whose  signature  appeared   in 

various  forms  such  as  "  Gil  Jack  ",  "  Gilbert  Jack  ", 

"  Gilbert  Jackson  ".   It  is  a  fine  specimen  of  his  work. 

I  cannot  quite  see  from  the  photograph  the  age  of  the 

sitter  or  even  the  artist's  signature,  but  I  recognise  his 

writing   in    /Etatis   suae    1632.      (The   inscription    is 

^tatis  suae  39,  1632— Gilbert  Jack  pinxit  1632). 

No.    1   is   a   portrait   of    Catherine,    daughter   of    Sir 

YYilliam  Jones  of  Castlemarch  and  wife  of  Eobert  Morgan 

of  whom  there  is  a  portrait  by  the  same  artist  at  Caegwyn. 

The  Welsh  hat  is  of  importance  as  an  illustration  of  a 

Welsh  lady's  hat  as  worn  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  tall  beaver  hat  usually  accepted  as  being  typically 

Welsh  was  introduced  into  Wales  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 

tury.     The  late  Principal  Davies   called   attention   to  a 

Welsh  ballad,  1778,  referring  to  its  introduction.1 

Sir  Lionel  Cust,  KC.V.O.,  to  whom  the  photographs 
of  Nos.  1  and  2  were  sent  with  a  copy  of  Mr.  Milner's 
notes,  writes  : — "  The  two  portraits  of  which  you  have 
sent  photographs  can  represent  the  same  person.  The  one 
with  the  gold  chain  looks  like  a  French  portrait,  and 
possibly  much  repainted.  The  larger  portrait  is  a  genuine 
painting  of  the  date,  1568  ". 

1  Bibliography  of  Welsh  Ballads,  No.  304. 


PLATE    5. 


1.— TCatherin  Salesbury.     1566,  Jiily  12 


W 


2. — Katrvn  Sa)usburv.     löfiO.  AuçiiRt  15. 


•">•— TCatheryn  Wynn      1576/7.  February  24 


4.  — Katheryn  Wynne.     1580/1,  March  8. 


5.— Katheryn  Theloal.     1585,  <  >ctober  29. 
Autographs  of  Katheryn  of  Berain. 


To  face  />.  41 . 


Katheryn  of  Berain.  41 

picture's  movements  prior  to  its  settlement  in  the  house 
where  it  is  now  carefully  preserved.  The  story  can  only 
be  clearly  understood  when  further  details  with  regard  to 
the  replicas  of  the  picture  are  available. 

Autographs. 

The  five  signatures  reproduced  (Plate  5)  represent  the 
only  known  autographs  of  Katheryn.  The  first  two  vary  in 
the  spelling  of  her  christian  name  though  written  within 
five  weeks  of  each  other.  Later  she  appears  to  have 
stabilized  her  name  as  IÝatheryn,  and  that  form  has  been 
followed  in  this  paper.  There  is  a  similar  variation  in 
the  spelling  of  Wynn  and  Wynne.  The  Gwydir  family 
usually  wrote  Wynn,  but  there  was  not  a  fixed  spelling. 
The  letter  of  February,  1577,  is  addressed  to  John  Wynne 
(by  Thomas  Brooke)  but  Katheryn  signs  Wynn.  No 
autograph  with  the  Clough  surname  has  been  found,  and 
there  is  no  known  writing  in  Katheryn's  hand  beyond  the 
signatures. 

Katheryn's  Descendants. 

Katheryn  has  long  been  familiarly  known  as  "  Mam 
Cymru  ",  because  of  the  numerous  families  wTho  claim  to 
be  descended  from  her,  on  account  of  the  royal  blood 
in  her  veins.  The  number  of  alliances  of  herself  and  her 
children  with  leading  families  is  remarkable.  This  is 
illustrated  to  a  certain  extent  by  the  four  tables  appended  ; 
these  are  based  on  tables  compiled  and  kindly  placed  at 
my  disposal  by  Mr.  R.  D.  Roberts  of  Bethesda. 

The  story  of  Sir  John  Salusbury,  the  poet,  who  was  a 
contemporary  of.  and  may  even  have  known,  Shakespeare, 
has  been  told  by  Professor  Carleton  Brown. 

The  history  of  Hester  Lynch  Salusbury,  the  wife  of 
Thrale  the  brewer  and  afterwards  of  Piozzi  the  musician, 

E 


42  Katheryn  of  Berain. 

and  the  friend  of  Dr.  Johnson,  bulks  large  in  the  literature 
of  her  time. 

The  marriages  which  took  the  Llewenni  estates  to  the 
Cottons  of  Combermere  Abbey,  and  which  brought  the 
Wynnstay  properties  to  descendants  of  Katheryn,  are  to 
be  traced  in  the  pedigree  tables  as  here  printed. 

To  follow  the  many  interesting  side  tracks  opened  up 
by  the  story  of  Katheryn  of  Berain  woald  lead  far  afield. 
Our  purpose  has  been  to  recover  as  far  as  possible  the 
personal  history  of  this  famous  lady. 


Arms  of  Berain. 

Gules,  íi  lion  rampant,  a>:, 
armed,  azure. 


ÜATHEEYN   OF  BEEAIN   AND   SOME   OF  HER    DESCENDANTS. 
TABLE  1-lst   MARRIAGE. 


jdll  \     KATHIÍKY\ 


Robert 


I 
Tliomas 


Buried  at 
Llanefydd 
1566 


OF   lilíRAIN' 

Buried  at 

Llauefydd,  1591  (See  p.  2) 


Hugh 


I 

Thomas  Margaret,  d.  of  Maurice 

uted  Wynn  of  Gwydir  and 

1686)  Jane  BuUceley 


John 
(d.  in  infancy) 


Margaret=Edward  Norris  o 
Speke,  Lancs. 


.f 


Sir  John  Salusbury,= 
Chamberlain  of  North 
Wales.d.  1577/8 


Jane  Myddeltòn,  d.  of 
David  Myddelton,of 

Chester 


Edward 


Aiii.e.  d.  of  Richard  Clough 
aud  Ratheryn 
of  Berain 

Sei  Table  2) 


George 


\livi-,  OF  SAl  l  -m  RY, 

Gules,  a  lion  rampant,  ar,, 
ducally  erowned,or,beticeen 
threi  orescehts,  ofthe  last. 


Brereto 

i.v,  p 


|  1586 
(Sir)  John=Ursu!a  Stanley,  d.  of 


Salusbury  of  Llew- 
enni,  knighted  bv 
Q.  Elizabeth,  1601, 
.1.  1612 


-tth  Earl  of  Derby 


.l.i  ii» 


•l.iiii-  (bapt.   lOtli  Harry 

'  lcl  .  1687)  wifci  of  (born  and  died 

Thomas    Prys  of  26th  Oct.,  1588) 
Pla  iolyn 


(1)  Hesterd.of=Henry,  aft,  Sir=(2)  Elizabethd.of 


Sir     Thomi 

Myddeltonof 

Chirk 


Henry  Salns 
bury.lst  Bart. 
(bapt.  Sept. 
1  589,  buried 
Aug.lstl682) 


Sir  Thomas  Salusbnry, 
2nd  Bart.,  d.  1643 


Hester,  d.  of  Sir 
Edward  Tyrrell, 
Bart. 


Sii      Thomas     Salusbury, 
:;"    Barl  ,d.  withoul  issùe, 
1658 


John    Vaughan, 
Ear]  of  Carbery 


Jobn 
(born  and  died 
27thJuly,1590) 


Jobn 


i  lapt.  i  John 

(born  '"'iil  No<  . 
1592,  i.il  "1  a1 
siege  of  Prague  i 


I 


John,  aft.    Sir   John 
Salusbury,  d.  1684, 

ttli  and  last  Bart. 


1 

Francis 

1 
William 

i  Iriana 

Ferdinando 

1 
Davi 

\ 

1 
rabella  wifuof 

(bapt.  8th  Apnl 

(1595-162: 

(liajit    6th  .1  iiih'. 

1 1599-1622) 

(boi'ii  iiimì  rli 

,1 

i,i   Johnes  o{ 

died  9th  April, 

wlfc      of 

1600 

Halkvn 

1594) 

John    Parry   of 
Twysog 

ürsula 


Eli/.abetb 


I 
Hester=Sir  Robert  Cotton  of 
aucceeded  her  brother  I      Combermere,      lst 
to  Llewenni  (d.  1710)  Bart.,  buried  .tan. 

lltb.  1  7  I  U  13 


John 
(<1.  in  infanoy) 


Robert 
(d.  in  infancy) 


Hugh   Caheley 


I 
Sir  Thonias  <  iotton     Philadelphia,  d. 
2nd  Bar(  .  'I   I7I."<  I    of  Sir  Thomas 
Lynch,  Kt. 


(d,  1702) 


urj  Cotton 
S'jd  Bart.,  d.  1748.  Sold 
L  lewenin  estate  to  the  Hon, 

i   ■ 


Sir  Lyuch  Salusbury  Cottoi 
4th  Bart.,  d.  1 7 7 ". 


'i.-lphia 


Sophia  ter  Maria    John    Salusburj 

1773)  of  Bachygraig 


(1)  Hei       L'hrali      Hester  Lynch     (2)  Gabriel  Piozs 
(ŵeTable  2  I 


TABLE  II— 2nd  MARRIAGE. 


1567 
(l)Catherine  Muldert,=RICHARD  CL0UGH=<2)  KATHERYN  OF  BERAIN 
of  Antwerp  Rnight  of  the  Holy 

Sepulchre.  d.  1570 

Froni  this  marriage  was  descended 
Arthur  Hngli  Clough,  the  poet 


liuherited  Maenan 
Ahhey)  d.  1096 


Mary=William  Wnin. 


of    Melni, 
1632 


Anne=Roger  Salusbury,   D.C.L., 


(inherited 
Baehygiaig) 


6th  son  of  Sir  John 
Salusbury  of  Llewenni, 
buried  1623 

(See  Table  1 ) 


Arms  of  Clocbh. 

Quarterly :  \st  and  ith  azure,  a 
greyhound's  head.  couped  argent  he- 
tween  three  mascles  of  the  latt.  '2nd 
and  Srd   or,  a   lion  passant   aaure 

croicned:  on  a  chief  of  the  last,  a 
Jerusalem-cross  betireen  four  cross 
crosslets  gules,  on  eitlicr  side  a  sirord 
arff.  handled  or. 


John 


Ellis 


William 
,1.  1626 


Catherine=twice 
d.  HM4 


Jane=Owen  Price 


John  Salusbury,=Elizid)eth  Ravenscroft 
Bachygraig, 
M.P.  for  co. 
Flint 


Grace=Thomas  Myvod 
of  Henllan 


II    1,1    I 
5  daughters 


(l)Elizabeth,-=John  Salusbury,=(2)  Judith,  d.  of  Thomas 
d.  of  James,  son  and  heir         M.P.  for  co.  Whichcote 

of  Sir  William  Norreys  Flint. 


John 


I     , 

Col.  Thomas  Salus-- 

bury,  d.  1700 (suc- 

ceeded  his brother 

John)  ^^^ 


Anne,  á.  of  Thomas  Peròival, 

North  Weston 


i 

Lucv  Sahisbury=Thomas  tìalnsbury 
I       d.  1714 


John  Salnsbury=Hester  Maria,  d.  of  Sir  Thomas  Cotton, 
(1710-1762),  Governor  2nd  Bart.,  of  Combermere  and 

of  Nova  Scotia  Llewenni 

(1)  Henry  Thrale=Hester  Lynch  Salusbury=(2)  Gabriel  Piozzi. 
(ŵeTable  1) 


Norfolk  Salusbury=Elizabeth  William 
d.  1736 


Robert  Saluslmry, 

i>f  Cotton  Hal).  Denbigh 

d.  1776 


Sir  Robert  Salusbury,  Bt., 

of  Cotton   Hiill,  Denbigh, 

and    Llanwern,   co.    Mon- 

mouth,  M.P.,  d.  1817, 

leaving  issiie. 


[Mrs,  Piozzi  left  Bachygraig  and  Brynbella  to  her  seoond  husband's  family,  of  whoni  was  Sir  John  Salusbury  Piozzi-Salusbnry,  Kt..  of  Brynhella 
(1793-1858),  -'nd  son  of  Sig.  Giambattista  Piozzi,  of  Brescia,  «hose  descendants  bear  the  name  and  arms  of  Salusbury  ] 


ânns  "i  Wykr 


TABLE   III        .       M  \UK1  \<Q\ 


MAÜRI(  E  \vv\\     EATHERYN   OF  BERAIN 
oi  Gwydir 


|  1689 

Edward  \\  -.  m        B       che  Vaughan, 


,,i   fstrad,  ci. 
1640 


of  Blaenycwm 


SìiuuiiThelw  i        i  Ward 


d. 1006 


I  I  ! 

I-,,         Barbara  Març  Cathei  -  John  Thomas       Owen=Ladj  |  Edward. 

Williams  Mary  Dorothy  Williams  Mostyu  killed  at  Den 


(aon  .,i  Knthoi  yn's  fonrth 
husband) 


I. 


Groom  »1  the  l'nv\ 
II 


of  LllWll 


bigh,  1646 


Mi  redydd,        Mnurice 
i  Ward        ,.i  Glaiitunad 


I  I  I    I  I    I 

I        ird,  Clerk  of  the  Green     Owen,  of  Llwyn         Margarel  Richard  John 

Cloth  '■■'    M  i  âieà  d.  1717  Catherine        Dorothy 


I 


n  ithout  issue 


-  mon  Tholwall,     (2)  I  .,  Edmniul,       A,,   re\i       Joìn 


■  i  Pentrin 


Plâsj  Ward 
d.  I66f 


Watkin  Edwards  Wynn.of 
Llwyn,  ,1  1796,  bm  ied 
at  Llani  haiadr  "  Lasl 
existing  lieir  of  Gwydir" 


Moi  1 1    Wj  i,n.  "f  Llwyn,  d.  17 


ihirn  \\  M.ii,  of  Llwyn,  d.  1782 


i  Iwen,  Maurice  Wynn,  LL  I  < 

,i    1805  Rectoi  of  Bangoi   I     ■.  I  oed,  d.  1885. 

"Hedevised  his  property  t"  bis  nephew,  the 
Rev.  Lloyd  Fleteher,  w  ä  i  <  >  assumed  the 
additiona!  iiiiinii  of  Wynn,  Nerquis  Hal) 
«iis  lefl  to  the  K  •  Maurice  Wynn  by  the 
tiiii  Misses  ( riffard  of  thal  place" 


Urd  8  ■!  i:.„l 


Sinion,  R  i  ,  ,,i,  ifj  nydi 

ii  iii  I  i  iii:, 


I    I    I    I    I    1    I    i    I 

IfilOl  Dll   ■■!  l   ■ 


Enward     B  v       ,,„  Wi,,,,.  „,,„  ,,, 

Sir  Joliu  \\  v  iii, 


I 
Edward 


Eleanor, 

,1    1828 


PhülipsLloyd  Fletcher, 
uf  Gwern  Haulod,  d. 
L808 


H  illi  mi  Willinms    !ncl  Bnrl 

.,,    BOll     ,,l 

Will 

Sir  Wntl  in  w  illiam    W 8rd  Bnrt., 

w  w  ,i  ,,.,- 

i   i  ,:  w  \  iii  ,  Bni 
n   ol    Sn-  John  '  W  \  ,i,i.  ,,i 
i, 


The  Rev.  Lloyd  Fletcher  Wyuu, 
of  Nerquis  llall.  died  without 
iseue, 


Thomas  Lloyd  Fletcher, 
died  iii   1860,  li 
issue 


TABLE  IV  -  4tl,  M  \lìKI  VGE. 


Ì.BMS   Ol     Tllll  \l  VI  1 

(iti/rs.  on  a  chevi'on  <>r,  between  threc 

hmtrs'  hcaiìs,  ar</..  threc  trefoih  sali/c 


EDWARD  THELWALL     KATHKKV\  01    BERAIN 
of  Plás  y  Ward,  d.  1610 

No  issue. 


By  the  Eev.  E.  TYEEELL-GEEEN,  M.A., 

Author  of "  The  Church  Architecture  of  Wales",  " Baptismal Fonts" 

(S.P.C.R.,  192SJ,  $c. 


CONTENTS. 


I. — Introductory  .  . 


II. 


III. 


-Churches  of  the  Native  Celtic  Plan 

(1 )  The  prevailing  type  of  single-chamber  plan  . 

(2)  More  or  less  regular  additions  to  the  primi 

tive  Celtic  plan 

(a)  Porches 

(b)  Belfries 

(3)  Occasional  later  additions  to  the  native  church 

plan     .  . 

(a)  Chancels 

(b)  Lateral  Chapels 

— FOREIGN   W0RK 

(1) 


IV. 


Work  of  the  Norman  period  and  style 
Penmon  and  St.  Seiriol 

(2)  Work  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  cen 

tury  Gothic  development 
Beaumaris 

(3)  Prevalence  of  Perpendicular  AVork  of  the  late 

fifteenth  and  early  sixteenth  centuries  (the 
Tudor  period)  .  . 

Llaneilian 

Holyhead  . . 

Llanidan    .  . 

Beaumaris 

Anglesey  Towers 

-ACCESSORIES   AND    ChüRCH    FlTTINGS 

(1)  Celtic  Crosses 

(2)  Fonts     .  . 

(3)  Sepulchral  Memorials 

E 


PAGE 
4r, 

47 
50 

53 
53 
55 

57 
57 
59 

63 

63 
64 

69 
69 


73 

74 
76 

80 
82 

84 

92 

92 

94 
106 

2 


44 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


(4)  Woodworlc 

(a)  Stalls 

(b)  Roodsereens 

(c)  Pulpits 

(5)  Dog-tongs 

V.— Conclusion     . . 


1. 

3. 

4. 
5. 

6. 

fy 

/  . 

8. 

9. 
10. 
11. 

12. 

13.- 

14, 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18.- 

19. 

20, 

21, 

22, 

23, 

24, 

25, 

26.- 

27, 

28, 

29, 

30, 

31, 

32, 

33, 


LlST  OF   iLLrSTBATIONS. 

-The  island  church  of  Llangwyfan 
-Llanfair-yn-Neubwll  church  from  N.W.    .  . 
-Llaniestyn  church  from  S.E. 
-Llangeinwen  ehurch — interior 
-Penmon  priory  church — tower    .  . 
-Penmon  priory  church—  tympanum 
-Llanbadarn-Fawr  (Radnorshire) — tympanum 
-Llanfair-yn-Neubwll— E.  window 
-Beaumaris — clerestory  .  . 
-Beaumaris— tracery  of  aisle  windows 
-Canterbury   Cathedral — window   tracery    in 

bishop  Meopham's  chapel 
-Llaneilian  church  from  S.E. 
-Holyhead — S.  doorway 
-Holyhead — parapet  of  S  transept 
-Beaumaris — tracery  of  E.  window 
-Beaumaris— tracery  of  E.  window  of  S.  aisle 
-Weaverham  (Ches.)— window  tracery 
-Prestwich  (Lancs.) — window  tracery 
-Burnley  (Lancs.) — window  tracery 

-  Beaumaris  — tower 
-Llandegfan — tower 
-Llanfechell  — tower 
-Holyhead — tower 

-  ]  jlanerchymedd — tower 
-East  Hagbourne  (Berlcs.) — tower 
-Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd  — font 
-Llanfìhangel-yn-Nhywyn— font 
-Llanrhychwyn  (Carnarvonshire) — font 
-Llangeinwen — font 
-Llanidan — font 
-Penmon — font 
-Melbury  Bubb  (Dorset)— font 
-Llangristiolus — font 


facing 


Arch- 


PAGE 
110 
110 
111 

114 
115 

116 


49 
51 
54 
62 
65 
66 
67 
69 
70 
71 

72 

75 


79 
81 
H-2 
82 
83 
83 
85 
85 
88 
88 
90 
91 
94 
95 
96 
97 
98 
99 
100 
101 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Angiesey.  45 


PAGE 

34. 

—  Hen  Eglwys — font 

..   101 

35. 

— Llanfair-yn-Neubwll — font 

..   102 

36. 

— Llangaffo— font 

..   103 

37. 

— Llancìegfan — font 

..   103 

38. 

— Holyhead — font 

..   104 

39. 

— Beaumaris— font 

..   105 

40. 

—  Sepulchral  slab— Llanfair-yn^y-Cwmmwd 

..   107 

41. 

— Memorial  slab — Llanddeiniol-Fab 

..   108 

42. 

— Miserere — Beaumaris    .  . 

..   110 

43. 

— Miserere — Beaumaris    .  . 

..   110 

44.- 

— Rood-screen — Llaneilian 

faciny  113 

45.- 

—  Dog-tongs — Llanedwen 

.  .   115 

[The  illustrations  are  from  drawings  made  by  the  writer  espressly 
for  this  work,  with  the  following  exceptions  : — No.  4  is  from  a  photo- 
graph  kindly  supplied  by  the  Vicar  of  Llangeinwen.  Nos.  31,  33  and 
34  have  already  appeared  in  my  paper  on  Welsh  Fonts  (  Cymmrodorion 
Transactions,  1918-9).  For  permission  to  reproduce  Nos.  30  and  32 
I  am  indebted  to  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge,  the 
publishers  of  my  book  on  Baptismal  Fonts  (1928),  whose  courtesy  in 
this  matter  I  wish  to  acknowledge.  —  E.  T-G.]. 


I. — Introductory. 

Aboüt  an  island  there  is  always  an  attraction.  Apart 
from  picturesque  glimpses  of  sea  or  shore,  of'  rock-girt  cliff 
or  sandy  bay,  which  charm  the  eye  at  frequent  intervals, 
there  is  a  subtle  sense  of  definiteness  or  finality  which 
imparts  a  feeling  of  satisfaction  to  the  undertaking  of  an 
island's  exploration.  Attaching  to  the  study  of  such  an 
isle  as  Anglesey,  teeming  with  the  associations  of  a  dim 
and  remote  past,  there  is  the  further  appeal  of  romance 
and  mystery,  for  were  not  this  Mona  and  its  sister-isle, 
the  still  more  sea-girt  Mona  to  the  north,  long  connected 
in  men's  minds  with  the  f'abled  Fortunate  Isles  of  the 
western  seas?1    Then,  leaving  legends  and  dreams  for  the 

1  Rowlands    treated    of    these    legends    in    his    Mona    Antiqua 
Bestanrata   (1723). 


46  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

dawn  of  history,  we  recall  how  the  Archdruid  of  all 
Britain  had  in  Môn  his  sanctuary,  so  that  from  it  the  niost 
powerful  influences  of  life  radiated  over  the  whole  land. 

Our  present  interest,  however,  is  centred  not  upon 
Cromlech  or  Maenhir  or  stone-built  cytiau,  that  present 
their  problems  to  the  student  of  human  civilisation  in  its 
earliest  forms  and  aspects,  but  we  are  concerned  with 
those  structures  which  from  the  first  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  to  our  forefathers  have  borne  their  witness, 
through  all  the  conflicts  and  changes  of  ihe  centuries,  that 
the  land  is  claimed  for  Christ. 

The  successive  waves  of  conquest  that  have  passed 
over  Britain  have,  however,  left  comparatively  little  trace 
in  Anglesey,  and  owing  to  its  insular  and  remote  situa- 
tion  the  island  has  been  to  a  large  extent  immune  from 
foreign  influence,  remaining  conservative  of  its  customs, 
language  and  types  of  structures  alike  domestic  and 
ecclesiastical. 

When  the  Roman  legions  penetrated  to  the  western 
shores  of  Britain,  Segontium  (Carnarvon)  became  at  once 
the  bulwark  and  the  nucleus  of  the  distant  outpost  of  the 
far-flung  Empire.  From  Segontium  Anglesey  was  easily 
overawed  and  there  are  records  of  '  invasions  ' '  of  the 
island  under  Suetonius  in  a.d.  58,  and  twenty  years  later 
under  Julius  Agricola.1  In  the  ninth  century  an  invasion 
by  the  Saxon  IŸing  Egbert  left  at  least  one  permanent 
trace  behind  it,  for  it  resulted  in  the  name  of  Anglesey 
which  has  persisted  in  geography  as  the  title  of  the  island. 
The  Norinan  power  made  itself  felt  in  Anglesey  under 
Hugh  Lupus,  Earl  of  Chester,  in  1098,  and  a  characteris- 
tic  "  keep  "  was  reared  at  Aber  Lleinawg  near  Penmon.2 

1  Bezant  Lowe,  The  Heart  of  Nurthern  Wales,  Vol.  I,  pp.  123, 
124. 

2  This  is  fully  described  by  Bezant  Lowe,  The  lleart  of  Northern 
JTales,  Vol.  II,  pp.  218—226. 


The  Ecclesioiogy  of  Anglesey.  47 

Then,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  came  the  fully  developed 
mediaeval  stronghold  of  Beaumaris,  a  link  in  the  chain  of 
fortresses  extending  from  Flint  and  Rhuddlan,  through 
Conway  and  Carnarvon  to  Criccieth  and  Harlech,  whcse 
mighty  ruins,  formidable  of  aspect  even  in  their  decay, 
remain  as  evidence  of  the  Edwardian  hold  on  Northern 
Wales. 

But  these  successive  '"conquests"  were,  for  Anglesey, 
even  more  than  for  North  Wales  in  general,  more  or  less 
transient  in  their  effects  upon  the  life  of  the  people,  so 
that  "  the  isle  of  the  English  "  is  a  misnomer  for  a  region 
that  has  remained  consistently  Welsh  in  sentiment  and 
language,  and  the  designation  Môn  Mam  Cymru1  strikes 
a  truer  note.  The  Norman  church  of  Penmon  Priory  in 
its  planning  and  its  details  stands  in  sharp  contrast  with 
the  prevailing  type  of  native  sanctuary,  and  the  castle  of 
Edward  I  at  Beaumaris  on  the  fringe  of  the  island  was 
only  an  outpost  of  an  English  king  on  the  border  of  a 
district  unsubdued. 

II. — Churches  of  the  Natiye  Celtic  Plan. 

To  whatever  preachers  of  the  Gospel,  Apostolic  or 
sub-Apostolic,  the  first  coming  of  Christianity  to  this  land 
may  be  assigned,  we  may  regard  it  as  established  that  our 
religion  was  widely  disseminated  in  Britain  through  the 
work  of  Celtic  missionaries  who  were  connected  with 
Ireland  and  Gaul.  The  names  of  Patrick,  Columba,  and 
Aidan  are  familiar  to  all  readers  of  English  history  in  this 
connexion,  and  in  niany  a  church  dedication  or  parochial 
name  in  Anglesey,  as  in  Wales  generally,  there  are  still 
preserved  for  us  the  names  of  the  founders  of  the  first 
Christian  sanctuaries  in  the  island,  such  as  St.  Seiriol, 
Llaniestyn,  Llandegfan,  Llanffinan,  Llandyssilio,  Llan- 

1  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  Iti/nerarium,  II,  vii. 


48  The  Ecclesiology  of  Angtesey. 

ddeiniol-Fab,  Llanbadrig,  and  Llaneilian.1  Not  until  the 
eighth  century  do  we  meet  with  church  dedications  in  our 
more  'm'odern  sense  of  the  term,  when  we  find  churches 
called  after  St.  Michael  (Llanfihangel.) — the  Warrior 
Archangel,2  as  though  to  mark  a  fresh  victory  of  the  light 
of  the  Gospel  over  the  powers  of  heathen  darkness.  Still 
later  with  the  spread  of  Latin  influence  and  the  coming 
of  the  Cistercian  monks  did  churchmen  in  Wales  follow 
the  Western  custom  of  dedicating  churches  in  the  names 
of  Biblical  saints,  especially  of  our  Lady  and  the  Apostles, 
giving  rise  to  such  names  as  Llanfair  and  Llanbedr.3 

The  method  of  the  early  Celtic  missionaries  was  to 
work  a  mainland  from  adjacent  islands.  Columba  crossed 
from  Ireland  to  Iona,  Aidan  from  Iona  to  Lindisfarne, 
the  Holy  Islands  forming  their  stepping-stones  in  their 
advance  to  win  the  world  for  Christ.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  in  Anglesey  we  may  trace  the  extension  of  the 
like  method.  Early  sanctuaries,  from  the  sixth  century 
onward,  were  placed  on  outlying  islands  at  St.  Seiriol,  at 
Llandyssilio  in  the  Menai  Strait,  by  St.  Cybi  on  Holy- 
head  island,  and  at  Llangwyfan  (Fig.  1)  and  Llanddwyn 
on  the  western  shore,  just  as,  farther  afield,  St.  Germans 
on  St.  Patrick's  isle  off  the  coast  of  the  Isle  of  Man, 
Bardsey  off  Carnarvonshire,  Ramsey  near  St.  Davids,  and 
Caldey  off  the  Pembroke  coast  were  all  holy  islands  and 
centres  from  which  the  monastic  missionaries  worked.  In 
such  sanctuaries  the  devout  life  was  fostered  and  the 
spirit  kindled  which   inflamed  men  for  their  hazardous 

1  The  same  custom  of  calling  the  churehes  after  the  names  of 
the  venerated  loeal  saints  who  were  their  founders  obtained  in  the 
Celtic  districts  of  Cornwall — where  such  titles  as  St.  Madron,  St. 
Gwithion  and  Perranzabuloe  mark  tlie  sitcs  of  early  oratories — 
and  Brittany,  as  such  names  at  St.  Pabu,  Lanildut  and  Landudec 
in  Finistère  testify. 

2  Rev.  xii,  7. 

3  Fisher,  Wehh  Church  Dedications  in  the  Cymmrodorion 
Transactions,  1906-7,  pp.  91,   94. 


The  Ecclesioiogy  o/  Anglesey. 


49 


c 

(3 

M- 

>- 

$ 

ho 

c 
ẅ 


50  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

enterprise  as  pioneers,  and  to  them  the  missionaries  would 
return  for  recuperation  or  for  refuge  in  times  of  stress 
and  persecution.1 

Celtic  Christianity,  being  in  its  origin  connected  with 
Gaul,  had  an  Eastern  rather  than  a  Western  complexion. 
The  churches  of  the  Rhone  valley  traced  their  spiritual 
descent  from  Ephesus,  and  the  great  church  at  Arles  bears 
the  dedication  of  St.  Trophime.2  The  ancient  British 
Church  was  accordingiy  bound  by  tradition  and  by  in- 
herited  custom  to  the  churches  of  Asia  rather  than  to  the 
primatial  see  of  the  West,3  and  the  structure  of  its  sanc- 
tuaries  was  uninfluenced  by  the  basilican  tradition  of 
Rome. 

(1)  The  early  oratories  of  the  Celtic  missionary  saints 
were  simple  rectangular  chambers,  such  as  may  still  be 
seen  in  Irish  examples,  and  in  Cornwall,  where  there  are 
sufficient  remains  at  Perranzabuloe  (exhumed  from  the 
sandhills  in  which  they  had  long  been  buried),  St. 
Gwithian  (lately  covered  once  more  by  drifting  sand),  and 
St.  Madron  (a  well-chapel)  to  enable  us  to  be  sure  at  least 
as  to  their  ground  plan.  To  this  type  the  native  churches 
of  Anglesey,  as  of  the  less  accessible  parts  of  Wales  in 
general,  remained  constant,  and  the  characteristic  church 
of  Angiesey  is  a  simple  rectangular  chamber,  in  its  origi- 
nal  form  without  aisle  or  chancel,  without  windows  on  its 
northern  and  western  sides,  without  buttresses,  or  porch, 

'  Similarly  in  France  outlying  islands  were  early  claimed  for 
the  Christian  faith  and  became  famous  as  monastic  liouses,  such 
as  Mont-St.-Miche]  in  the  north,  Noirmoutier  on  tlie  Biscay  shore, 
and  Lerins  in  the  Mediterranean. 

2  i.e.  :  Trophimus  the  Ephesian,  a  travelling  companion  of  St. 
Paul.     Acts  xx,  4;  xxi,  29. 

3  The  argument  of  Colman  at  the  Syncd  of  Whitby  (A.D.  664) 
shows  this.  In  defending  British  ecclesiastical  tradition  Colman 
appealed  to  the  exainple  of  the  Apostle  St.  John,  who  spent  his 
later  years  ;it  Ephesus.     Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.,  141,  xxv. 


Thc  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  51 

and  without  any  structure  to  contain  a  bell.  The  illustra- 
tion  of  Llanfair-yn-Neubwll  (Fig.  2)  will  serve  to  show  a 
typical  Anglesey  church  as  it  appears  to-day,  the  windows 


m> 


\ 


of  the  north  side  and  the  bell-gable  at  tlie  west  being  after 
additions  to  the  original  form  of  the  building.  In  area 
these  churches  of  the  early  Celtic  plan  generally  cover, 
approximately,    a    double    square,    and,    fchere    being    no 


52  Tlie  Ecclesiology  of  Angiesey. 

structural  chancel,  were  divided  internally  by  a  screen 
separating  the  nave  occupied  by  the  congregation  froin 
the  sanctuary  with  its  altar,  where  the  priest  offered  the 
Holy  Sacrifice  out  of  sight  of  the  people,  just  as  in  the 
churches  of  the  East  the  solid  partition  of  the  iconastasis 
divides  the  ritual  chancel  from  the  body  of  the  church. 

This  primitive  single-chamber  plan  is  still  seen  in  the 
following  Anglesey  churches,  though  in  no  case  does  the 
actual  structure  go  back  to  the  primitive  days  of  the  early 
Celtic  church  : — 

Bodedern.  Llanfaethlu. 

Bodwrog.  Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd. 

Cerrigceinwen.  Llanfair-yn-Neubwll. 

Coedana.  Llanfihangel-Tre'r-Beirdd. 

Gwredog.  Llanfihangel-yn-Nhywyn. 

Llanbabo.  Llanfflewin. 

Llanbadrig.  Llanfwrog. 

Llandrygarn .  Llangwyllog. 

Llandyssilio.  Llechylched. 

Llanddeiniol-Fab.  Penrhos  Lligwy. 

Llanddeusant.  Rhosbeirio. 

Llanynghenedl.  Rhoscolyn. 

Llanfachreth.  Tregaian . 

In  some  cases  churches  which  formerh  exhibited  the 
single-chamber  plan  have  been  rebuilt  out  of  all  recog- 
nition  in  recent  times,  as  at  Llanedwen,  Llangaffo  and 
Llanwenllwyfo. 

The  entrance  to  churches  of  this  primitive  plan  is  by 
a  lateral  doorway,  generally  in  the  south  side  of  the 
structure,  but  occasionally  the  doorway  is  set  on  the  north 
side,  as  at  Llandyssilio  and  Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd,  and 
in  sorne  instances  there  are  both  north  and  south  doors,  as 
at  Llandeusant,  Llandrygarn,  Llanfachreth  and  Llech- 
ylched,  while  in  some  churches,  as  at  Llanfair-yn-Neubwll 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  ^^ 

and  Llanfìhangel-yn-Nhywyn,  which  now  have  only  a 
north  door,  there  are  traces  of  an  original  south  door 
which  has  been  blocked  up.  While  the  south  side  of  a 
church  was  preferred,  other  things  being  equal,  for  the 
doorway,  as  being  the  warm  and  sunny  side,  the  entrance 
was  made  on  the  north  side  if  the  exigences  of  the  site  de- 
manded  that  position,  or  in  cases  where  the  congregation 
would  naturallý  approach  the  church  from  that  side,  the 
placing  of  the  doorway  on  the  north  side  is  thus  accounted 
for  in  such  a  case  as  Llandyssilio,  as  well  as  its  retention  in 
preference  to  the  south  door  which  was  scarcely  used  at 
Llanfair-yn-Neubwll  and  Llanfihangel-yn-Nhywyn. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  not  only  the  Welsh 
churches  of  early  type  of  planning,  but  the  parochial 
churches  of  England  and  Wales  in  general,  throughout 
all  subsequent  developments  of  mediseval  architecture, 
remained  faithful  to  two  characteristic  features  which 
we  have  remarked  in  these  Anglesey  churches  as  Celtic 
features,  viz.,  the  rectangular  east  end  and  the  lateral 
entrance,  as  distinct  from  the  apse1  and  the  western  portal. 
These  last  are  features  of  the  Roman  basilica  plan,  and 
became  usual  in  Continental  Romanesque  architecture, 
whence  they  were  derived  by  the  great  Gothic  church 
builders  of  Western  Europe  generally. 

(2)  We  have  next  to  notice  some 

MORE  OR  LESS  REGULAE  ADDITIONS   TO   THE 
PRIMITIVE  CELTIC   PLAN'. 

(a)  Porches. 

The  original  churches  do  not  seem  to  have  had  porches, 

1  See  my  paper  on  The  Church  Architecture  of  Wales  in  the 
Cymmrodorion  Transaetions,  1916-7.  The  church  of  Llanfair- 
pwllgwyngyll  is  exceptional  amongst  the  old  churches  of  Wales 
in  having  an  apse.  The  present  hnilding  is  a  nineteenth-centnry 
restoration,  partly  on  the  site  of  the  old  chureh,  which  seems  to 
have  had  an  apse  (Archaeologia  Cam,brensis,  I,   ii,  170). 


54 


Thc  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


and  many  of  them  still  have  none.  Convenience,  however, 
naturally  dictated  the  addition  of  some  covered  shelter  at 


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the  entrance  doorway,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
iii  the  Middle  Ages  the  doorway,  with  its  suggestive  sym- 


Thc  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  ^^ 

bolism,  played  its  part  in  the  ceremonial  of  the  chnrch, 
the  preparatory  portion  of  the  Baptismal  service  being 
performed,  for  example,  at  the  church  door,  the  aspect 
of  the  sacrament  as  the  entrance  to  the  mystical  Body  of 
Christ  being  thns  appropriately  typified.  A  south  porch 
is  therefore  not  an  uncommon  addition  to  a  simple  rect- 
angular  church,  and  we  have  examples  (some  of  them 
modernised)  at  Bodedern,  Cerrigceinwen,  Llanddyfnan, 
Llanbadrig,  and  Llanddeiniol-Fab.  In  construction  the 
early  porches  were  rude  and  simple,  consisting  of  plain 
stone  walls,  with,  at  the  outer  entrance,  massive  timber 
uprights  supporting  the  timbered  front  of  a  gabled  roof. 
A  typical  instance  of  such  porch  may  be  seen  in  the  south 
porch  at  Llaniestyn  (Fig.  3). 

(b)  Beìfries. 

It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  determine  the  date  when 
large  bells  first  came  to  be  used  by  the  Christian  Church. 
If  the  tradition  which  ascribes  their  invention  to  Paulinus 
of  Nola  in  Campania1  may  be  trusted,  the  origin  of  bells 
would  reach  back  to  about  400  a.d.,  but  there  is  no  definite 
evidence  as  to  their  use  for  about  a  century  after  that 
time.  In  our  own  country,  according  to  Eddius  the 
biographer  of  Wifrid,  there  were  bell-towers  belonging 
to  the  seventh-century  church  at  Hexham ,  and  the  Vener- 
able  Bede  makes  allusion  to  the  passing-bell  as  a  cus- 
tomary  feature  of  the  monastic  life  at  Whitby  in  a  story 
which  he  tells  in  connexion  with  the  death  of  St.  Hilda 
(680  a.d.).2 

1  The  late  Latin  word  campana  for  a  hell,  whence  the  Italian 
campanile  for  a  hell-tower,   seems  to  imply  a  Campanian  origin. 

2  "  The  same  night  it  pleased  Almighty  God  hy  a  manifest 
vision  to  make  known  her  death  in  another  monastery  at  a  distanee 
from  hers,  which  she  had  bnilt  that  year  and  is  called  Hachness. 
There  was  in  that  monastery  a  certain  nun  named  Begn,  who, 
having  dedicated  her  rirginity  to  God,  had  served  him  upwards  of 


56  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

The  bells  used  in  the  early  days  of  British  Christianity, 
however,  were  small  handbells  which  served  as  calls  of 
the  community  to  prayer,  and  as  passing-bells  to  invite 
the  faithful  to  supplication  for  the  soul  of  the  departed.1 
Such  handbells,  being  objects  used  by  the  saintly  founders 
of  churches  in  the  exercise  of  their  sacred  functions,  were 
regarded  with  the  same  kind  of  veneration  as  corporeal 
relics  and  came  to  be  carefully  treasured  in  reliquaries. 
Giraldus  Cambrensis  tells  of  the  great  reverence  paid  to 
such  personal  belongings  of  the  Celtic  saints,2  and  makes 
mention  in  particular  of  the  pastoral  staff  of  St.  Curig  at 
St.  Harmons  (happily  still  preserved),  the  handbell  of  St. 
David,3  and  the  horn  of  St.  Patric^.1  Eomilly  Allen 
considered  that  ecclesiastical  handbells  of  this  kind  origi- 
nated  in  Ireland,  and  that  their  use  spread  thence  to 
Scotland,  Britain,  Brittany,  France,"'  and  Switzerland.6 
St.  Patrick's  bell  is  preseiwed  in  the  Museum  of  the  Eoyal 
Irish  Academy,  and  the  model  of  its  shrine  or  reliquary 
made  in  the  eleventh  century  of  brass  set  with  crystals 
and  jewels  will  be  familiar  to  visitors  to  the  South  Kens- 

tliirty  years  in  the  monastic  life.  This  nun,  being  in  the  dormitory 
of  the  sisters,  heard  suddenly  the  well-known  sound  of  a  bell  in 
the  air,  which  used  to  awake  them  and  call  them  to  prayer,  when 
any  one  of  tbem  had  been  taken  out  of  this  world."  Hìst.  Eccles., 
IV,  xxi. 

1  In  this  connexion  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  a  handbell  still 
figures  prominently  in  the  University  of  Oxford  at  an  academic 
funeral,  when  the  procession  is  headed  by  the  University  bell-man, 
who  sounds  his  bell  at  intervals  en  route. 

■  "  Campanas  namque  bajulas,  baculos  quoque  in  superiori 
parte  cameratos,  auro  et  argento  vel  aere  eontectos,  aliasque  hujus- 
modi  sanctorum  reliquias,  in  magna  rcverentia  tam  Hiberniac  et 
Scotiae,  quam  et  Gwalliae  populus  et  clerus  habere  solent:  adeo  ut 
sacramenta  super  haec  longe  inagis  quam  super  evangelia  ct 
praestare  vereantur  et  pejerare."      Itinerarium,   I,   2. 

3  Itinerarium,  I,  1.  4  Itinerarium,  I,  2. 

5  An  early  bell  is  kept  at  Noyon. 

*  In  this  country  is  the  well-kno\vn  four-sided  bnll  of  St.  Gall 
dating  from  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century. 


The  Ecdesiology  of  Anglesey.  57 

ington  Museum.  Examples  of  handbells  still  remain  in 
Wales  at  Llanrhyddlad  (Anglesey),  Dolwyddelan  and 
Llangwnadl  (Carnaryonshire).1 

Thus  in  the  primitive  Celtic  churches  there  was  no 
call  for  any  structural  provision  for  a  bell,2  but  as  the  use 
of  a  larger  hanging  bell  to  call  men  to  worship  became 
general,  the  erection  of  some  kind  of  structure  for  its 
accommodation  was  rendered  necessary,  and  it  was  cus- 
tomary  to  set  above  the  west  wall  of  the  church  a  small 
portion  of  walling  terminating  in  a  gable,  and  within  an 
opening  in  this  the  bell  was  hung  in  such  a  way  that  it 
might  swing  at  once  freely  and  with  safety.  Thus  the 
western  bell-gable  for  one  bell — or  occasionally  with 
openings  for  two,3  or  even  for  three  bells4 — naturally  took 
its  place  as  a  regular  feature  of  the  typical  native  Welsh 
church,  and  is  constant  in  Anglesey  examples. 

(3)  Extraneous  influence  and  the  march  of  historical 
events  contributed  in  turn  at  later  periods  to 

OCCASIONAL  ADDITIONS  TO  THE  NATIVE  CHUECH  PLAN. 

(a)  Chanceìs. 

The  native  church  plan  of  a  single  chamber  with  bell- 
gable  and  sometimes  with  a  lateral  porch  appears  to  have 
been  continued  without  change  until  towards  the  close  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  From  that  time  onward,  during 
the  fourteenth  century,  when  the  ancient  British  Church 
had,  with  the  English  Church,  become  absorbed  into  the 

1  In  this  category  should  also  be  included  the  bells  of  Llangws- 
tenin  (Carnarvonshire)  (in  the  Powysland  Museum,  Welshpool) 
and  Llanrwst  (Denbighshire)  (in  the  Gwydir  chapel  of  the  church). 
See  Bezant  Lowe,  The  Heart  of  Northern  IFales,  Vol.  I,  pp.  396, 
et  seqq. 

2  Tbe  original  (southern)  part  of  the  double-nave  church  at 
Llanrhychwyn  (Carnarvonshire)  is  still  without  any  feature  of  this 
kind. 

3  As  at  Llanidan,  Newborough  and  Penmynydd  (Anglesey). 

4  As  at  Llangadwaladr  (Anglesey). 

F 


58  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

Church  of  the  West,  so  as  to  come  more  directly  under 
Latin  intluence,  a  chancel  as  a  distinct  rectangular  cham- 
ber  to  the  east  of  the  nave,  which  had  been  a  regular 
feature  of  Western  Church  architecture,  appears  as  an 
addition  to  the  earlier  Celtic  plan.  Amongst  other  influ- 
ences  the  coming  of  the  Cistercian  Order  to  Wales  must 
have  been  a  potent  one  in  bringing  the  Welsh  churches 
more  into  line  with  the  Church  of  the  West  in  general.1 
The  Cistercians  were,  from  the  twelfth  century  onwards, 
by  far  the  most  popular  and  influential  in  Wales  of  all 
the  monastic  Orders,  and  to  them  belonged  nearly  all 
the  great  Abbeys  of  the  country.2  The  Order,  too,  was 
peculiarly  fitted  to  help  in  the  bringing  of  the  Welsh 
Church  into  closer  conformity  with  Western  usage, 
alike  in  its  rites  and  in  externals,  such  as  architectural 
features,  because  of  its  intimate  connection  with  Welsh 
life.  The  Cistercian  monks  specially  devoted  themselves 
to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  and  the  development  of  local 
industries  and  natural  resources,  so  that  they  came  into 
close  contact  with  the  people  of  the  land.  Many  houses 
of  the  Order  were  foundations  of  native  Welsh  princes, 
with  the  result  that  many  Welshmen  entered  them  and 
they  became  largely  identified  with  national  feeling  and 
national  causes.3 

Examples  in  Anglesey  of  simple  rectangular  churches 
with  chancel  occur  at  : — 

1  The  prevalence  of'  the  name  Llanfair,  indicating  a  church 
dedication  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Yirgin,  in  the  thirteenth 
century  may  be  taken  as  an  indication  of  Cistercian  influence,  the 
churches   of    the   Order   having   uniformly    this   dedication. 

2  Abbey-Cwm-Hir,  Aberconway,  Cymmer,  Margam,  Neath, 
Strata  Florida,  Strata  Marcella,  Tintern,  Yalle  Crucis  and  Whit- 
land  were  all  Cistercian   houses. 

3  On  the  Cistercians  in  Wales  see  further  The  Church  Architec- 
ture  of  Waìes  in  the  Cymmrodorion  Transactions,  1916-7,  pp. 
81—85. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  59 

Llanfair-Mathafarn-Eithaf.  Llanerchymedd. 

Llanfair-Pwll-Gwyngyll.  Llanfechell. 

Llanfihangel-Dinsilwy.  Llangristiolus. 

Llandyfrydog.  Tal-y-Llyn. 

Llaneilian. 
Some  of  these  have  been  rebuilt,  as  Llaneilian  (in  the 
fifteenth  century)  and  Llanerchymedd  (in  recent  times), 
but  approximately  on  the  old  foundations. 

(b)  Lateral  Cìiapels. 

From  the  early  days  of  British  Christianity  down  to 
the  fourteenth  century  the  native  church  plan  in  Wales 
suffered  no  radical  change,  but  underwent  only  such  slight 
modifications  as  have  been  already  noted.  The  country 
itself  was  so  much  disturbed  by  internecine  feuds  that 
Welshmen  had  little  opportunity  or  inclination  for  the 
practice  of  any  but  the  elementary  and  necessary  arts  of 
life,  and  by  intermittent  strife  with  powTerful  English 
neighbours  the  country  was  so  cut  off  from  the  influences 
of  Western  Christendom  that  the  great  Gothic  develop- 
ment  of  architecture  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  cen- 
turies  had  only  occasional  and  sporadic  effects  in  Wales. 
Then  with  the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  century  began  a 
period  of  utter  misery  which  clouded  nigh  upon  a  hundred 
years  with  disastrous  results,  when  Owain  Glyndwr  raised 
his  dragon  standard  with  its  accompaniment  of  flaming 
torches  and  glittering  spears,  and  left  a  track  of  desola- 
tion  even  more  ruthless  than  medÌ8eval  ethics  apprcwed.1 

1  In  popular  story  the  birth  of  Owain  Glyndwr  was  heralded  by 
fitting  portents  :  — 

.   .   .   .   "  At  my  nativity 

The  front  of  heaven  was  full  of  fiery  shapes, 

Of  burning  cressets  ;  and  at  my  birth 

The  frame  and  huge  foundation  of  the  earth 

Shah'd  like  a  coward." 
(Shakespeare's  Henry  IV,  Part  I,  Act  III,  Sc.   1.)     In  Wales  the 

P   2 


6o  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

Great  Abbeys  did  not  escape  the  general  ruin  for  Abbey- 
Cwm  Hir  felt  Owain's  pitiless  hand,  and  Strata  Florida 
was  burnt  in  no  less  ruthless  revenge  by  the  English  king 
for  its  support  of  Glyndwr.  From  end  to  end,  except  in 
Anglesey,1  the  peninsula  of  Lleyn  and  western  Pembroke- 
shire,  Wales  lay  bleeding  and  desolate,  and  in  the  survey 
of  old  Leland,  made  about  a  century  later,  such  phrases 
as  "  denour'd  by  Glindour  ",  "  defayced  by  Owain  Glin- 
dour  ",  "  the  ruin  is  ascribed  to  Owain  Glindour  "  occur 
like  a  refrain.  The  feeling  of  those  who  were  involved  in 
the  ruin  resultant  upon  Owain's  red  ravage  is  reflected  in 
the  old  lines  : — 

While  quarrels'  rage  did  nourish  ruinous  rack, 
And  Owen  Glendore  set  bloodie  broils  abroach, 
Full  many  a  town  was  spoyled  and  put  to  sack 
And  clear  consumed  to  countries'  foul  reproach. 
Great  castles  razed,  fair  buildings  burnt  to  dust, 
Such  revel  reigned  that  men  did  live  by  lust. 

But  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifteenth  century  this 
dark  time  of  desolation  and  depopulation  was  succeeded 
by  a  period  of  unprecedented  peace  and  prosperity  for 
Wales.  The  accession  of  Henry  VII,  the  grandson  of 
Owen  Tudor  of  Penmynydd  in  Anglesey,  added  to  the  fact 
that  he  landed  in  Wales,  and  was  accompanied  by  a  grow- 
ing  force  of  his  fellow-countrymen  in  his  progress  to  the 
victory  of  Bosworth  field,  really  reconciled  the  Welsh  to 
union  with  the  Saxon.  With  a  Tudor  on  the  throne  of 
united  England  and  Wales  began  an  era  of  settlement  and 


story  was  told  that  at  Owain's  birth  the  horses  of  Gruffydd  Vychan 
his  fatlier  were  found  standing  in  their  stables  up  to  their  fetlocks 
in  blood. 

1  Many  of  Glyndwr's  soldiers,  headed  by  the  Tudors  of  Pen- 
mynydd,  came  from  Anglesey,  and  about  2,000  of  its  inhabitants 
were  in  arms  towards  the  close  of  his  wars,  but  no  fighting  seems 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  island  during  the  whole  of  his  6tormy 
career. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  61 

content  at  home  with  peace  upon  the  border-land.  For 
increasing  congregations  more  space  was  required  in  the 
small  Welsh  churches  which  had  remained  constant  to  the 
early  type. 

In  the  later  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  sixteenth  another  cause  also  contributed 
to  the  extension  of  church  fabrics.  The  period  was  marked 
by  a  special  increase  of  devotion  to  our  Lady,1  and  a 
second  altar  was  required  for  the  due  expression  of  this 
devotion — a  Lady  Chapel  must  be  built.2 

This  two-fold  need  was  met  in  Northern  Wales  by  the 
addition  of  a  lateral  chapel  to  the  original  structure,  and 
some  Anglesey  churches  afford  good  examples  of  such 
late  fifteenth  century  or  early  sixteenth  century  chapels. 
These  are  in  most  cases  gabled  so  that  the  roof-ridge  runs 
at  right-angles  to  that  of  the  original  church,  and  thus 
they  have  in  an  exterior  view  the  appearance  of  transepts, 
as  seen  in  the  illustration  of  Llaniestyn  (Fig.  3).  They 
are  set,  as  a  rule,  so  that  their  east  wall  is  flush,  or  nearly 
so,  with  the  east  wall  of  the  main  structure,  and  generally 
have  an  east  window  almost  as  large  as  that  of  the  original 
church.  Occasionally,  as  at  Gwalchmai,  a  lateral  chapel 
is  gabled  east  and  west,  so  that  the  ridge  of  its  roof  is 
parallel  to  that  of  the  original  church,  giving  the  appear- 
ance  externally  of  a  short  added  aisle. 

South  chapels  have  been  added  in  this  way  to  the 
churches   at   Llanbeulan,   Llanfair-yn-Nghornwy,   Llan- 

1  This  is  noted,  with  illustrative  quotations,  by  the  Rev.  H. 
Elvet  Lewis  in  his  paper  on  "  Welsh  Catholic  Foetry  in  the 
Fifteenth  century,"  Cymmrodorion  Transactions,  1911-2,  pp.  24, 
25,  and  by  Dr.  Hartwell  Jones  in  Celtic  Britain  and  the  Filgrim 
Movement,  pp.  355  et  seqq. 

2  Similarly  in  the  period  just  before  the  Reformation  many 
additional  altars  were  erected  in  English  parish  churches,  though 
an  extension  of  the  fabric  was  seldom  necessary,  the  aisles  afford- 
ing  the  requisite  space. 


6 2  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

iestyn,  Llantrisant,  Llechcynfarwy,  Pentraeth  and  Tref- 
draeth. 

North  chapels  occur  at  Bodwryd,  Gwalchmai,  Llan- 
eugrad,  Llangeinwen,1  Llansadwrn,2  Penmynydd  and 
Llanrhwydrus. 

In  some  cases  chapels  were  thrown  out  to  north  and 
south,  giving  an  appearance  of  cruciform  plan  to  the  whole 
building,  as  at  Llanallgo,  Llandegfan,  Llanddona,  Llan- 
fihangel  Ysceifiog  and  Llangadwaladr. 

In  adjacent  Carnaiwonshire  the  old  churches  received 
similar  treatment  at  the  same  period,  a  south  chapel  being 
added  at  Caer-Hûn,  Capel  Curig,  Dolwyddelan,  Llanbedr- 
y-Cennin  and  Llanfaglan,  while  Llangelynin  has  received 
the  addition  of  a  north  chapel.  Chapels  both  on  the  north 
and  south  occur  at  Gyffin,  Llanberis,  Llanaelhaiarn, 
Llanfihangel-yn-Rûg  and  Llanllyfni.3 

Sometimes  the  added  lateral  chapel  was  so  large  in  its 
dimensions  as  to  become  a  second  and  parallel  nave, 
divided  from  the  original  structure  by  a  range  of  pillars 
and  arches  running  along  the  centre  of  the  completed 
building.  Examples  of  this  double-nave  plan  occur  in 
Anglesey  at  Aberffraw  and  Llanidan  (the  latter  now  in 
ruins),  and  the  like  arrangement  appears  also  in  Carnar- 
vonshire  at  Aberdaron,  Llanengan,  Llaniestyn,  Llan- 
rhychwyn  and  Trefriw.  But  the  type  found  especial 
favour  in  Denbigh  and  Flint  which  afford  many  instances 

1  The  illustration  of  Llangeinwen  (Fig.  4)  shows  an  unrestored 
Anglesey  interior.  The  roof-timbers  were  in  an  advanced  state 
of  decay,  and  the  church  is  now  being  renovated  under  the  expert 
supervision  of  Mr.  Harold  Hughes  of  Bangor. 

1  Rebuilt  in  recent  times  out  of  recognition. 

3  These  Carnarvonshire  churches  have  been  well  described  by 
Harold  Hughes  and  Herbert  L.  North  in  "  The  Old  Churches  of 
Snowdu7tia■,,  In  cases  where  the  chapels  are  of  Post-Reformation 
date  they  were  not  intended  for  additional  altars,  but  only  for 
extra  accommodation.  See  Herbert  L.  North  "  The  Old  Churches 
of  Arllechwedd,"  pp.  67,  68. 


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The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  63 

of  it,  so  that  it  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  particularly 
characteristic  of  the  Vale  of  Clwyd  and  its  neighbourhood. 
In  Denbighshire  we  have  double-nave  churches  at  :- 

Abergele  Llanfair-dyffryn-Clwyd 

Chirk  Llanfair-Talhaiarn 

Whitchurch  by  Denbigh         Llanfwrog 

Llanarmon-yn-Ial  Llangynhafal 

Llandoget  Llan-Nefydd 

Llandrillo-yn-Ehos  Llanrhaiadr-yn-Cinmerch 

Llandyrnog  Llansilin 

Llanelian-yn-Ehos  Llanynys 

Llanelidan  Llansannan, 

and  in  Flintshire  at  : — 

Caerwys  Ehuddlan 

Cilcain  St.  Asaph  íparish  church) 

Hope  Tryddyn. 

Llanasa 

III. — FOREIGN    WORK. 
(i)    WORK  OF  THE  NORMAN   PERIOD  AND   STYLE. 

At  the  eastern  extremity  of  Anglesey  there  flourished 
from  the  sixth  century  onward  the  monastic  settlements 
of  St.  Seiriol  on  Priestholm  and  Penmon  on  the  adjacent 
promontory.  The  two  establishments  were  closely  con- 
nected  in  their  origin  and  are  generally  mentioned  to- 
gether  in  documents,  but  priority  of  foundation  should 
probably  be  assigned  to  the  island  sanctuary  on  Priest- 
holm,  whose  founder  Seiriol  was  a  fìrm  friend  of  Cybi  of 
Holyhead.  Priestholm  like  Ynys  Enlli  (Bardsey)  off  the 
extremity  of  Lleyn,  as  isles  of  the  saints  who  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  land,  came  to 
be  regarded  as  specially  sacred.  Men  took  refuge  in  their 
peaceful  seclusion  during  frequently  recurring  times  of 
trouble,  and  the  bones  of  countless  pilgrims  were  laid 


64  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

there,  as  in  a  fitting  lodging-place  on  the  spirits'  journey 
to  the  Isles  of  the  Blest.1 

We  gather  from  the  Brut  y  Tywysogion  that  Penmon 
was  laid  waste  in  968, 2  and  the  earlier  buildings  there  and 
on  Priestholm  probably  perished  in  the  raid  there  referred 
to,  for  neither  at  Penmon  nor  at  St.  Seiriol  is  there  any 
structure  now  remaining  which  can  be  assigned  to  a  date 
earlier  than  the  Norman  period,  and  the  two  most  inter- 
esting  churches  belonging  to  the  closely  allied  monastic 
establishments  are  definitely  Norman  in  character,  pre- 
senting  in  their  plan  a  marked  contrast  to  the  prevailing 
Celtic  type  of  Anglesey  church.  The  building  of  these 
Norrnan  churches  can  scarcely  have  been  undertaken  dur- 
ing  the  transient  occupation  by  Hugh  Lupus,  Earl  of 
Chester,  in  the  last  decade  of  the  eleventh  century,  but 
their  erection  was  probably  the  outcome  of  the  more 
settled  period  that  ensued  upon  the  retirement  of  Lupus, 
when  Gruffydd  ap  Cynan,  through  the  intervention  of 
Magnus  of  Norway  and  his  Vikings,  came  into  permanent 
possession  of  Lupus'  fortress  at  Aber-Lleinawg,  and  later 
appointed  his  son  Idwal  as  Prior  of  Penmon  (1130). 

Penmon  church  is  a  cruciform  structure  with  central 
tower,  whose  original  short  chancel3  was  considerably 
lengthened,  probably  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  after- 
wards  rebuilt  in  the  fifteenth  century.     The  north  tran- 

1  Of  Priestholm  Giraldus  writes  :    "  quam  solum  eremitae  labore 

manuum    viventes   et    Deo    servientes   inhabitabant Insula 

ecclesiastica,  propter  copiam  sanctorum,  quorum  ibi  corpora 
jacent,"  and  of  Bardsey  he  says  :  "  in  ea,  ut  fertur,  infinita 
sanctorum  sepulta  sunt  corpora :  ibique  jacere  testantur  corpus 
beati  Danielis  Banchorensis  episcopi."     Itinerarium,  II,  vii. 

2  "  In  the  same  year  came  Makt  ab  Marallt  to  Anglesey,  and 
devastated  Penmon,  which  previous]y  was  the  fairest  spot  in  all 
Anglesey."     Myfyrian  Archaeoloç/y,   ii,  p.  493. 

3  The  chancels  of  Norman  churches  are  frequently  an  approxi- 
mate  square  011  the  plan,  as  e.g.  at  Stewkley  (Bucks),  St.  Mary-de- 
Lode,  Gloucester,  Darenth  (Kent),  and  Cassington  (Oxon). 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


6=; 


sept  as  we  now  see  it  is  modern,  having  been  rebuilt  upon 
the  old  foundations  in  1855,  but  the  nave  and  south  tran- 
sept  have  retained  their  characteristic  Norman  form  and 
features,  this  transept  having  an  ornamental  arcading 
running  round  the  interior  of  its  south  and  west  walls 
with  the  chevron  mouldings  so  commonly  employed  for 
the  adornment  of  arches  in  the  style.1 


5.     Penmon  Tower. 

St.  Seiriol  shows  a  church  built  upon  the  same  lines  in 
the  main  as  at  Penmon  ;  it  has  long  been  a  ruin  and  a 
cottage  has  been  erected  on  the  site  of  the  south  transept, 
but  the  foundations  alike  of  the  earlier  square  chancel  and 
of  its  later  extension  may  be  traced. 

1  A  miniature  arcade  was  often  employed  as  a  decorative  feature 
of  the  internal  wall-surface  of  an  important  Norman  church,  as  at 
Peterborough  Cathedral  and  Stow  (Lincs)  in  the  chancel. 


66 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey, 


Both  these  churches  have  a  central  tower,  an  arrange- 
ment  usual  for  Norman  cruciform  churches,1  and  not  un- 
common  even  where  there  are  no  transepts,2  and  both  are 
finished  with  a  blunt  four-sided  spire  of  stone.  This  is  a 
remarkable  feature,  for  most  of  the  Norman  towers  of 
Great  Britain  have  lost  their  original  finish,  and  in  these 
two  Anglesey  examples  we  are  enabled  to  see  the  char- 
acteristic  Norman  form  of  tower  roofing,  akin  to  the  short 
four-sided  spires  of  stone,  though  a  good  deal  ruder  in  their 


6.     Penmon  Tympanum. 

execution,  that  one  comes  across  in  the  parallel  develop- 
ment  of  architecture  in  Normandy  in  such  examples  as 
the  churches  at  Thaon,  Haute  Allemague,  Ver  and  Eosel 
in  the  Department  of  Calvados.  The  illustration  (Fig.  5) 
shows  the  central  tower  and  spire  at  Penmon,  with  belfry- 
lights  of  usual  Norman  character,  consisting  of  two  small 

1  As    in    the    practieally    unaltered    examples    at    Portchester 
(Hants)   Old  Shoreham  (Sussex),  and  North  Newbald  (Yorks). 

2  As  at  Stewkley   (Bucks),   Iffley    and  Cassington    (Oxon),   and 
Studland  (Dorset). 


The  Ecclesiology  oj  Anglesey. 


67 


round-headed  lights  separated  by  a  shaft.  The  lights  011 
the  south  and  west  sides  of  the  tower  at  St.  Seiriol  were 
evidently  of  like  design,  though  now  niuch  decayed,  but 
those  on  the  north  and  east  sides  are  plain  and  small 
single  openings. 

Another  feature  of  great  interest  reniains  to  be  noted 
in  the  Norman  work  of  Penmon — the  south  doorway  of 
the  nave,  with  its  carved  tympanum  (Fig.  6).     The  en- 


7.     Llanbadarn-Fawr  (Radnor)  Tympanum. 

closing  arch  of  a  Norman  doorway  was  regularly  semi- 
circular,  and  in  cases  where  the  opening  for  the  door  itself 
was  rectangular  the  wall-space  between  this  and  the  en- 
closing  arch  offered  opportunity  for  the  elaborate  carved 
work  in  which  the  Norman  builders  delighted.1     Some- 

1  In  the  larger  Norman  doorways  in  Wales  the  opening  for 
the  door  follows  the  line  of  the  enclosing  moulded  arch,  so  that 
there  is  no  tympanum,  as  at  the  west  doorway  of  Strata  Florida 
Abbey  and  the  north  and  south  doorways  of  Llandaff  Cathedral. 
These  are  late  in  the  style,  as  is  also  the  west  doorway  at  Llandaff 
which  has  a  depending  tympanum  the  centre  of  which  is  occupied 
by  a  statue  of  St.  Teilo  in  episcopal  yesture. 


68  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

times  the  tymparmm  would  be  covered  with  a  diaper 
pattern,1  but  figure  sculpture  of  a  conventional  character 
and  somewhat  rudely  executed,  akin  to  the  carved  adorn- 
ment  of  many  Norman  fonts,2  often  occupied  this  posi- 
tion.  Carved  Norman  tympana  are  extremely  rare  in 
Wales,  but  the  south  door  at  Penmon  has  within  its  con- 
taining  arch  a  dragonesque  monster  with  a  border  (a  good 
deal  worn)  of  interlacing  pattern.  This  tympanum  has  a 
parallel  in  the  fine  example  at  Llanbadarn-Fawr  (Rad- 
norshire)  (Fig.  7),  where  two  monsters  face  one  another, 
and  between  them  is  set  a  plant — apparently  the  lily-pot 
emblematic  of  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation.3  This 
subject  of  a  tree,  or  conventional  foliage,  between  two 
monsters  seems  to  have  been  a  favourite  one  with  Norman 
workers,  and  it  appears  in  elaborately  carved  tympana  at 
Dinton  (Bucks)  and  Ashford-on-the-Water  (Derbyshire). 

Norman  work  is  comparatively  rare  in  Wales  as  a 
whole,  and  the  few  traces  of  it  in  Anglesey  and  Carnar- 
vonshire  which  may  be  observed  at  Aberffraw,  Llaneilian 
and  Aberdaron,  besides  some  round-headed  doorways  at 
Llanbedr-y-Cennin  and  elsewhere,  may  be  due  to  the  in- 
fluence  of  the  Priory  at  Penmon.4 

"  Priestholme  et  Penmon  "  are,  as  has  been  already 
noted,  generally  referred  to  in  documents  as  one  Priory 
and  are  classed  as  belonging  to  the  Benedictine  Order  by 
Dugdale,  who  gives  1221  as  the  date  of  a  foundation  here 

1  As  at  Y\'old  Newton  (Yorks),  Tissington  (Derbyshire)  and 
Eberington    (Glos). 

:  As  at  Avebury  (Wilts)  and  Hook  Norton  (Oxon). 

1  The  lily-pot,  standing  for  tbe  purity  of  tbe  Blessed  Yirgin  is 
normally  inoluded  in  sculptured  or  painted  representations  of  the 
Annunciation,  and  appears  as  a  symbol  in  the  work  of  all  periods, 
as  upon  an  early  eross  at  Sancreed  (Cornwall),  upon  the  tower  at 
St.  Austell  (Cornwall)  of*  the  fifteenth  century,  and  upon  a  fifteenth- 
century  miserere  at  Tong  (Salop). 

4  Ibis  is  suggested  by  Harold  Hugbes  and  Herbert  L.  North  in 
Tìte  Old  Churches  of  Snowdonia,  p.  25. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


69 


by  Llewelyn  ap  Iorwerth  (the  Great),  but  the  monastery 
eventually  came  under  the  Augustinian  Order,  deeds  run- 
ning  in  the  name  of  the  Prior  and  Canons,  in  whose 
possession  it  remained  until  the  Dissolution. 

(ilì    WORK   OF  THE  THIRTEENTH-  AND    FOURTEENTH- 
CENTURY   GOTHIC   DEYELOPMENT. 

Apart  from  the  churches  of  the  great  religious  houses, 
amongst  which  the  Cistercian  Abbeys  in  particular  pre- 


—r\ — 


\  ~"°nni|ir>. 


8.     Llanfair-yn-Neubwll,  Eastwindow. 

sent  fine  examples  of  Transition  from  Norman  to  Gothic 
and  of  "  Early  English  ",  Wales  in  general,  as  has  been 
already  noted,1  has  comparatively  little  to  show  of  the 
great  development  of  Gothic  architecture  which,  during 
the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  was  taking  place 
in  Western  Europe  generally,  and  in  which  England  took 
its  full  share. 

The  great  Edwardian  castle  at  Beaumaris  belongs  to 
the  military  architecture  of  the  later  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  but  exhibits  in  the  five  lancet  lights  at  the  east 

2  See  above  p.  59,  and  cf.   The   Church  Architecture  of   Wales 
§  5,  in  the  Cymmrodorio-n  Transactions  1916-7. 


"O 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


end  of  its  chapel  characteristic  English  work  of  the  period 
<    ^.  i.— ,„   .  very  finely  executed,  finding  a  parallel 

in  the  beautiful  little  chapel  at  Con- 
way  Castle  known  as  Queen  Eleanor's 
Oratory. 

In  the  native  parish  churches  of 
Anglesey  there  is  little  noteworthy  work 
of  the  "Early  English"  or  "Decorated" 
styles,  but  during  the  centuries  under 
review  old  churches  were  repaired 
and  windows  were  sometimes  inserted. 
Some  of  these  windows  are  of  four- 
teenth  century  date  and  consist  of  two 
lights  with  an  opening  above  consti- 
tuting  a  somewhat  rude  attempt  at  a 
traceried  window,  as  seen,  e.g.,  in  the 
east  window  at  Llanfair-yn-Neubwll 
(Fig.  8). 

Beaumaris  church  has  the  best  exe- 
cuted  "  Decorated  '  work  (fourteenth 
century)  in  the  island.  In  its  arrange- 
ment — a  nave  with  aisles  and  cleres- 
tory,  a  chancel  and  western  tower1 — it 
follows  the  usual  English  plan  of  the 
period  for  a  parochial  church,  but  two 
outstanding  features  deserve  special  re- 
mark.  The  clerestory,  somewhat  excep- 
tionally,  has  for  lights  a  range  of  quatre- 
foiled  circles  in  place  of  the  more  usual 
pointed  windows  of  the  period  (Fig.  9). 
Circular  windows  occur  in  the  clerestory 

1  The  chancel  was  rebuilt  late  in  the  fifteenth  or  early  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  the  upper  part  of  the  tower  is  of  still  later 
date. 


O) 


Tke  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


7i 


at  Southwell  Minster  (Norman)  and  after  this  example 
lights  of  circular  form  were  sometimes  adopted  during  the 
prevalence  of  the  Decorated  style.  In  some  cases  these 
were  plain  circles,  as  at  Alkham  (Kent),  but  more  often 
they  were  cusped  in  quatrefoil  form  as  we  see  them  at 
Beaumaris.  Similar  clerestorv  windows  are  found  at  Seaton 


10.     Beaumaris,  Tracery  of  aisle  windows. 

(Rutland),  Kingsland  and  Pembridge  (Hereford),  Pid- 
dinghoe  (Sussex),  Garsington  (Oxon)  and  elsewhere,  and 
this  manner  of  treating  the  clerestory  found  especial 
favour  with  the  Norfolk  church  builders  in  the  later  half 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  as  may  be  seen  at  Ingham, 
Stalham,  Ormsby  St.  Margaret,  Filby,  Rollesby  and  a  good 
many  other  churches  of  that  county.  Foliated  circular 
clerestory  windows  also  occur  again  in  North  Wales  at 


72 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Angiesey. 


Conway,  where,  as  at  Beaumaris,  English  influence  is 
marked.  The  clerestory  assumed  its  present  position  at 
Conway  in  1872,  when  the  roof  of  the  nave  was  consider- 
ably  raised,  but  the  circular  clerestory  lights  were  copied 
from  two  original  ones  which  remained.  A  further  feature 
about  the  clerestory  at  Beaumaris  should  not  escape  our 
notice,  viz.,  the  later  insertion  of  a  plain  three-light  win- 
dow,  of  late  fìfteenth  century  type,  near  its  eastern  end 
(see  Fig.  9).  This  occurs  on  both  the  north  and  south  sides 


11.     Canterbury  Cathedral,  Window  tracery  in  Archbishop 
Meopham's  Chapel. 

and  the  insertion  was  made  that  additional  light  might  be 
thrown  upon  the  rood-screen  with  its  figures,  the  fifteenth 
century  being  the  period  when  most  of  the  splendid  rood- 
screens  were  erected  in  our  churches.  An  exact  parallel 
to  this  treatment  of  the  clerestory  at  Beaumaris  may  be 
seen  at  Market  Overton  (Eutland),  where  the  regular 
series  of  two-light  traceried  clerestory  windows  is  inter- 
rupted  near  its  eastern  end  by  the  insertion  of  a  fifteenth 
century  three-light  window  for  the  purpose  of  affording 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  y^ 

extra  light  within  the  church  at  the  spot  where  the  rood- 
screen  was  erected.  Analogous  examples  are  found  also 
elsewhere. 

A  second  notable  feature  about  the  fourteenth  century 
work  at  Beaumaris  lies  in  the  pattern  of  the  tracery  of  the 
aisle  windows  (Fig.  10).  This  identical  form  occurs  also 
in  the  tracery  of  a  window  at  the  north  end  of  the  Yaynol 
chapel  at  Llanbeblig  (Carnarvonshire),  and,  oddly  enough, 
is  of  a  distinctly  Kentish  type.  A  very  close  parallel  to 
it  occurs  in  a  window  of  Archbishop  Meopham's  chapel 
in  Canterbury  Cathedral  (Fig.  11). 

(ill)    PREVALENCE    OF    PERPENDICULAR    WORK    OF    THE    LATE 

FIFTEENTH    AND   EARLY   SIXTEENTH   CENTURIES 

— THE  TÜDOR  PERIOD. 

When  a  Welshman  in  the  person  of  Henry  Tudor  had 
been  seated  upon  the  English  throne  the  unsettled  life  of 
centuries  past  came  to  an  end  and  Wales  was  at  peace 
with  herself  and  became  reconciled  to  England.  The 
period  after  Henry's  accession  was,  accordingly,  an  era  of 
great  building  activity  throughout  Wales,  and  during  the 
reigns  of  Henry  VII  and  Henry  VIII  more  churches  were 
built,  or  rebuilt,  or  received  additions1  than  at  any  period 
since  the  erection  of  the  primitive  churches  on  the  plan  of 
the  oratories  of  the  native  saints.  Thus  it  has  come  about 
that  the  churches  of  rural  Wales,  generally  spealdng, 
present  an  early  type  of  plan  and  elevation  in  outline, 
with  architectural  detail  characteristic  of  the  close  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  or  of  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury,2   while  the  dominant   stvle  of  architecture  in   the 

1  The  custom  of  adding  lateral  chapels  to  the  earlier  churches 
at  this  time  has  been  treated  above,  p.  61. 

-  Windows  and  doorways  have  frecjuently  been  remodelled,  or 
new  windows  inserted,  late  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and  to  this 
period   belongs  the  rectangular    window  of  three  cinquefoiled  (or 

0 


74  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

greater  parochial  churches  of  Wales  is  the  latest  develop- 
ment  of  Gothic,  named  "  Perpendicular  ",  which  prevailed 
in  England  throughout  the  fifteenth  century,1  and  that 
not  in  its  best  and  most  vigorous  form,  but  more  often  in 
the  somewhat  degenerate  and  debased  character  which 
marked  the  decline  of  the  style  on  the  eve  of  the  Refor- 
mation. 

The  best  and  most  remarkable  work  of  this  style  in 
Anglesey  is  seen  at  Llaneilian  and  Holyhead. 

Llaneilian  (Fig.  12)  has  the  proportions  of  an  earlier 
church,  having  been  rebuilt  on  the  old  foundations  of  the 
twelfth  century,  but  now  appears  as  a  nave  and  chancel 
in  fine  Perpendicular  style  with  battlemented  parapets 
and  buttresses  terminated  by  crocketed  pinnacles.2  The 
work  is  similar  to  the  contemporary  work  in  the  larger 
cruciform  church  at  Clynnog-Fawr  (Carnaiwonshire),  and 
will  bear  comparison  with  the  best  style  of  the  time  as 
seen  in  an  English  parish  church.  A  feature  of  peculiar 
interest  at  Llaneilian  is  the  detached  chapel  of  St.  Eilian, 
which  lies  off  the  south-east  angle  of  the  nave  and  has  a 
different  orientation  from  that  of  the  main  building.  This, 
though  in  its  present  form  dating  from  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury,  occupies  the  site  of  the  original  oratory  of  St.  Eilian 
and  has  been  connected  at  a  later  time  with  the  church  by 
a  passage.  When  the  twelfth-century  church  was  erected 
a  new  building  was  planned  here  at  a  little  distance  from 

trefoilecl)  lights,  which  forms  so  frequent  a  feature  of  churches  of 
the  native  type  in  Anglesey  and  elsewhere  in  Welsh  Wales. 

1  Leland  in  the  early  sisteenth  century  notes  that  churches  ex- 
hibiting  fine  work  had  only  been  built  recently.  Thus  of  Clynnog- 
Fawr  (Carnarvonshire)  he  writes,  "  the  church  that  is  now  there 
with  cross  aisles  is  almost  as  big  as  St.  Davids,  but  it  is  of  new 
\vork  .  .  .  the  fairest  church  in  all  Carnarvonshire,  as  better  than 
Bangor."     Leland's  Itinerary,  ed.  Toulmin  Smith,  pp.  52,  86. 

2  Buttro.sses  are  regularhy  absent  from  native  work.  and  do  not 
occur  at  Clynnog,  except  in  the  tower. 


Tke  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


75 


the  first  church  of  St.  Eilian  instead  of  being  built  upon 
its  foundations,  as  has  happened  in  the  majority  of  cases, 


^r-s-Cfe' 


c 
rt 

'öi 

c 

JS 

_l 


04 


r       HT-T^- 


the  original  church  thus  surviving  as  a  detached  chapel. 
A  most  interesting  parallel  to  this  is  met  with  at  Clynnog, 

g  2 


j6  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

where  the  large  church  was  built  at  a  little  distance  from 
St.  Beuno's  oratory,  and  the  oratory  itself  was  rebuilt, 
soon  after  the  completion  of  the  great  church,1  near  its 
old  site,  and  was  connected,  at  a  still  later  date,  by  a 
passage  to  the  south  doorway  of  the  tower,  near  which  it 
stands. 

Holyhead  is  a  large  cruciform  church  whose  architec- 
ture  is  for  the  most  part  typical  of  the  fìnal  stage  of  the 
decaying  Perpendicular  style,  but  with  some  remarkable 
detail  in  its  adornment. 

Most  striking  of  all  is  the  elaborate  carving  around  the 
inner  doorway  of  the  well-proportioned  and  vaulted  south 
porch  'Fig.  13).  The  whole  of  the  wall  above  the  doorway 
is  panelled,  a  treatment  of  wall-surface  not  unusual  in 
churches  of  the  Perpendicular  style,2  but  the  design  here 
resembles  rather  that  of  a  greatly  extended  tympanum. 
The  ornament  is  elaborate  in  its  conception,  but  unsym- 
metrical  in  arrangement,  and  so  lavish  as  to  be  over- 
crowded  and  in  places  cramped.  In  execution  it  is  some- 
what  clumsy.  The  openings  in  the  scheme  of  tracery  are 
for  the  most  part  cusped,  but  in  the  outer  containing  arch 
and  in  the  third  row  of  vertical  panelling  from  the  top 
occur  the  rather  unpleasing  cuspless  forms,  which  consti- 
tute  one  of  the  sure  signs  of  degeneration  in  Perpendicular 
tracery.3  To  the  right  and  left  above  the  doorway  are 
blazoned  upon  large  shields  the  arms  of  Llywarch  ap 
Bran,  a  benefactor  of  the  church — a  chevron  between 

1  The  older  chapel  of  St.  Beuno  was  still  standing  when  Leland 
visited  Clynnog,  and  this  fixes  a  sixteenth  century  date  for  the 
rehuilding  of  the  chapel  in  its  present  form. 

3  The  wall  above  the  doorway  in  the  north  porch  at  Long  Sutton 
(Lincs.)  is  covered  with  rectangular  panelling  characteristic  of 
fifteenth-century  style. 

3  See  below  on  window  tracery  at  Beaumaris,  p.  84, 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Angíesey. 


77 


three  choughs  or  crows,  while  the  centre  is  occupied  by  a 
niche  above  which  rises  a  tall  canopy.  Within  this  niche 
is  a  sculptured  representation,  in  the  conventional  man- 


rẅ^^yr^^^ 


13.     Holyhead,  South  doorway. 

ner,  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  The  Eternal  Father  is  crowned 
and  seated  in  majesty,  with  the  right  hand  raised  in  bene- 
diction,   and  supporting  between  His  knees  the   Christ 


78  Tke  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

upon  the  Cross,  while  above,  under  the  shadow  of  the 
canopy  of  the  niche,  hovers  the  Holy  Dove  with  outspread 
wings.1  In  the  centre  of  the  mouldings  immediately 
above  the  doorway  a  large  heart  stands  out  noticeably  in 
bold  relief.  The  significance  of  this  symbol  is  not  quite 
certain.  It  may  stand  for  "  the  Sacred  Heart  ",2  devotion 
to  which  was  one  of  the  many  popular  cults  of  the  century 
before  the  Eeformation,  or  perhaps  it  may  have  been  set 
in  this  especially  prominent  position  as  a  symbolic  invita- 
tion  ' '  Sursum  Corda  ' ' ,  addressed  to  worshippers  as  they 
entered  the  church  by  this — the  principal — door.  The 
sculpture  of  the  whole  of  this  remarkable  work,  though 
late  in  date,  is  singularly  archaic  in  feeling  and  expression. 
This  applies  more  especially  to  the  figures  of  saints  and 
bishops,  with  accompanying  tabernacle  work,  extending 
down  the  jambs  of  the  doorway,  where  the  execution  is 
rude,  verging  on  clumsiness  ;  the  large  crockets,  too,  sur- 
rounding  the  head  of  the  doorway  are  so  awkward  as  to 
be  positively  ugly.  As  a  scheme  of  external  wall-decora- 
tion  this  Holyhead  doorway  is  only  paralleled  at  St.  Mary 
Magdalene,  Taunton,  a  work  approximately  of  the  same 
date,  for  this  latter  church  was  consecrated  in  1524.  The 
whole  exterior  of  the  church  is  there  panelled  and  the 
porch  front  has  figure  sculpture  in  niches,  the  whole  in- 
spired  by  the  same  archaic  feeling,  and  executed  in  like 

1  Similar  representations  of  the  Sacred  Trinity  occur  on  the 
canopy  of  the  Black  Prince's  tomb  at  Canterbury  Cathedral,  on 
the  font  at  Staple  (Kent),  in  an  alabaster  fragment  found  at 
Madeley  (Salop)  and  in  the  highest  position  amongst  the  statuary 
upon  the  west  face  of  the  tower  of  St.  Austell  (Cornwall)  built 
late  in  the  fifteenth  century.  A  notable  example  of  the  like  kind 
is  found  in  stained  glass  of  the  fifteenth  century  at  Llanrhychwyn 
(Carnarvonshire).  In  some  cases  the  symbolic  Dove  is  set  upon 
the  breast  of  the  Father  as  though  proceeding  from  His  mouth 
and  hovering  over  the  head  of  Christ   crucified. 

2  The  present  Vicar  of  Holyhead,  the  Rev.  T.  J.  Rowlands,  is 
inclined  to  accept  this  interpretation. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


79 


80  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

comparatively  rude  manner,  which  are  notable  features  of 
the  work  at  Holyhead. 

Further  figure-sculpture  of  like  archaic  type1  occurs 
again  in  the  parapet  of  the  south  transept  at  Holyhead 
(Fig.  14).  Beginning  at  the  west  end  of  this  parapet  we 
see  first  the  figure  of  a  man  with  four  arms  and  below  him 
a  man  leading  or  driving  a  beast.  These  may  symbolise 
in  turn  the  strength  of  man  and  his  dominion  over  crea- 
tion  (or  over  the  powers  of  evil).  Next  we  note  the  dragon 
emblem  of  Wales  and  below  it  a  very  conventional  form 
of  tree  between  two  beasts  (apparently  lions).  This  last 
looks  like  a  reminiscence  of  a  theme  that  frequently  ap- 
pears  upon  Norman  tympana,  where  two  monsters  face 
one  another  with  a  conventional  tree  between  them.2  In 
the  centre  of  the  parapet  appears  a  demi-angel  with  out- 
stretched  wings,  similar  to  the  figures  in  the  hood-mould- 
ing  of  the  south  door,  with,  below,  a  large  mitred  head 
which  has  a  kneeling  figure  of  small  scale  on  either  side 
of  it.  Next  we  have  conventional  flowers  above  a  coat  of 
arms  with  supporters,  these  being  on  the  dexter  side  a 
lion  and  on  the  sinister  side  a  dragon.  The  shield  thus 
supported  is  bordered,  and  charged  with  a  plain  cross.  In 
the  last,  or  easternmost,  compartment  of  this  parapet  we 
see  more  conventional  flowers,  with,  below  them,  an  ex- 
tension  of  the  quatrefoil  panelling  which  runs  as  an  orna- 
mental  band  beneath  the  whole  range  of  figure-sculpture.:! 

The  church  of  Llanidan,  now  in  ruins  and  superseded 

1  Figure-sculpture  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  for  the  niost 
part  delicate  in  execution  and  natural  or  life-like  in  its  expression. 
The  sculpture  under  consideration  seems  to  hark  back  to  a  much 
earlier  and  conventional  type,  such  as  we  find  on  Norman  tympana 
or  fonts.  -  See  above,  p.  68. 

3  It  is  open  to  question  whether  these  figures  occupy  altogether 
the  positions  originally  intended  for  them  ;  some  of  the  panelling 
has  obviously  been  disarranged,  and  the  present  disposition  of  the 
figure-sculpture  of  the  south  transept  may  be  due  to  a  "  restora- 
tion  "  of  1720. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


81 


in  the  last  century  by  a  hideous  structure  near  to  the 
hamlet  of  Bryn-Siencyn,  has  still  remaining  a  good  late 
íìfteenth-century  range  of  pillars  and  arches,  which  divided 
its  twin  naves,  and  in  the  west  bay  of  the  church,  still 


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15.     Beaumaris,  Tracery  of  east  window. 


covered  by  a  roof,  are  some  remnants  of  very  good  Per- 
pendicular  tracery.1 

At  Beaumaris  the  chancel  was  reconstructed  in  late 

1  Tlie  excellence  of  the  work  at  this  church  is  probably  due  to  its 
connexion  with  the  Priory  of  Beddgelert. 


82 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


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84  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

Perpendicular  style.  Its  large  east  window  of  five  lights 
is  without  cusps  either  in  its  lights  or  in  the  tracery  above 
them,  and  its  head  is  practically  semi-circular  in  form 
(Fig.  15).  The  omission  of  cusps  to  lights  and  tracery  and 
a  reversion  to  semi-circular  or  segmental  forms  of  arch 
were  alike  signs  of  the  latest  and  decaying  stage  of  the 
style.  Both  features  appear  also  in  the  much  less  pleasing 
four-light  window  inserted  about  the  same  time  at  the 
east  end  of  the  south  aisle  (Fig.  16).  This  type  of  window 
tracery  is  characteristic  of  the  late  Perpendicular  churches 
of  Cheshire  and  Lancashire  and  overflowed  thence  into 
Northern  Wales.  The  Beaumaris  windows  have  a  strong 
family  likeness  to  examples  at  Weaverham  (Cheshire) 
(Fig.  17)  or  Prestwich  (Lancs.)  (Fig.  18),  and  cuspless 
lights  of  the  sixteenth  century  appear  also  at  Bangor 
Cathedral  and  Llandegai  (Carnarvonshire).  Eound-headed 
arches  in  the  latest  Gothic  were  not  uncommon.  They 
occur  at  St.  Nicholas,  Gloucester,  and  in  the  large  south 
transept  window  at  Thaxted  (Essex),  but  are  especially 
characteristic  of  late  Perpendicular  work  in  Cheshire  and 
Lancashire,  as  at  Bunbury  and  Malpas  (Cheshire)  and  in 
the  aisle  windows  of  the  parish  church  of  St.  Peter  at 
Burnley  (Lancs.)  (Fig.  19).  In  North  Wales  similar  in- 
stances  of  round-headed  windows  are  found  at  Hope  and 
Llanrwst  (Denbighshire),  and  the  wide  arch  at  the  east 
side  of  the  crossing  at  Holyhead,  forming  the  entrance  to 
the  chancel,  is  also  of  this  form. 

Anglesey  Towers. 

The  fifteenth  century  was  a  great  tower-building  era 
throughout  England  generally,  very  many  being  built  to 
accommodate  the  peals  of  bells  which  parishes  were  then 
so  eager  to  possess,  so  that  the  characteristic  English 
pinnacled  tower  belongs  to  the  Perpendicular  style  of  this 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


85 


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86  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

period.  After  the  coming  of  the  Tudors  to  the  English 
throne  we  find  that  towers  were  erected  in  some  parts  of 
Wales  where  hitherto  the  native  towerless  church  had 
held  the  field.  With  the  exception  of  the  Norman  central 
towers  at  St.  Seiriol  and  Penmon,  the  comparatively  few 
church  towers  of  Anglesey  belong,  accordingly,  to  the 
sixteenth  century  and  after,  or  were  raised,  as  at  Beau- 
maris,  upon  the  lower  stage  of  an  earlier  tower.  The 
poverty  of  design  which  marks  these  towers  may  be  attri- 
buted  to  several  causes.  In  the  first  place  the  type  of  tower 
imported  belonged  to  the  last  phase  of  a  decaying  style. 
Then,  again,  distance  from  the  English  border  militated 
against  their  being  influenced  by  fine  examples  from 
which  a  pattern  might  be  talcen,1  and  they  were  obviously 
the  work  of  native  designers  and  craftsmen. 

The  Anglesey  towers  are  unbuttressed  after  the  tradi- 
tional  manner  of  native  work.2  Their  battlements  arc 
coarse  and  rude,  as  at  Beaumaris  (Fig.  20),  Llandegfan 
(Fig.  21),  Llanfechell  (Fig.  22),  Holyhead  (Fig.  23)  and 
Llanerchymedd  (Fig.  24),  and  lacldng  in  the  mouldings 
and  finish  found  in  the  battlemented  parapets  of  the 
churches  at  Llaneilian  (Fig.  12)  and  Holyhead  (Fig.  1  1 1. 
The  belfry  lights  tend  to  be  featureless  apertures,  as  at 
Beaumaris  (Fig.  20),  and  especially  so  at  Holyhead  (Fig. 
23).  Angle-pinnacles,  where  they  occur,  are  of  ungrace- 
ful  detail,  as  at  Beaumaris  (Fig.  20),  or  stunted  in  appear- 

1  The  Anglesey  towers  stand  in  marked  contrast  with  the  beauti- 
ful  towers  at  Gresford  and  Wrexham  (Denbighshire),  Nortliop  an<l 
Mold  (Flint) — all  late  in  the  Perpendicular  style — which  are  in  no 
respect  inferior  to  the  best  English  work  of  the  time. 

2  The  typical  Welsh  tower  of  the  Cardigan  Bay  coast,  South 
Pembrokeshire  and  the  Bristol  Channel  shore,  of  a  semi-military 
type,  and  strongly  influenced  by  military  arcliitecture,  owing  to 
their  prime  purpose  of  a  refuge  or  defenca,  is  also  unbuttressed, 
and  in  Cornwall  a  characteristic  local  type  of  tower  is  without 
buttresses. 


T/ie  Ecclesiology  of  Angiesey.  87 

ance  and  set  as  though  diseonnected  with  the  parapet  on 
which  they  stand,  as  at  Llandegfan  (Fig.  21). 

The  tower  at  Llandegfan  dates  from  1811  and  has  the 
stepped  battlements  frequent  in  Irish  work,  and  occurring 
in  this  part  of  Wales  also  upon  the  towers  at  Llanbeblig1 
and  Llandrillo-yn-Bhos  (Carnaiwonshire).2 

At  Llaneilian  and  Holyhead  (Figs.  12  and  23)  there 
are  no  pinnacles,  but  the  towers  are  finished  with  a  blunt 
four-sided  roof,  overhanging  at  Llaneilian,  but  rising 
from  within  the  battlement  at  Holyhead,  after  the  early 
pattern  of  Penmon  and  St.  Seiriol. 

The  Holyhead  tower  (Fig.  23)  was  erected  early  in 
the  seventeenth  century3  and  is  oblong  in  plan,  with  its 
greater  measurement  from  north  to  south.  In  this  it  is 
similar  to  the  tower  at  Conway.  In  the  case  of  a  cruci- 
form  church  it  was  not  unnatural  that  an  oblong  tower 
should  sometimes  be  raised  above  the  crossing,  for  when 
the  nave  and  chancel  were  wider  than  the  transepts  the 
measurement  of  the  central  tower  would  be  greater  from 
north  to  south  than  from  east  to  west,  and  we  have  ex- 
amples  of  the  kind  in  all  styles,  from  the  pre-Conquest 
Romanesque  of  Jarrow-on-Tyne  to  the  expiring  Gothic  of 
Bath  Abbey.  An  exaggerated  case  occurs  at  Stanley  St. 
Leonard  (Glos.),  where  the  tower  is  as  much  as  ten  feet 
longer  from  north  to  south  than  it  measures  from  west  to 
east.  Oblong  towers  at  the  west  end  of  a  church,  as  at 
Holyhead  and  Conway,  are  also  occasionally  met  with, 

1  Dating  in  its  npper  part  from  the  sixteenth  century  onward. 

2  In  South  Wales  we  meet  with  the  stepped  form  of  tower 
hattlement  at  Llanarth  and  Llanwnen  (Cardigan),  at  Pemhrey 
(Carmarthen)  and  at  Ewenny  (Glam.).  Three  of  the  "Welsh  gabled 
towers  have  their  gables  stepped,  viz.  :  Llannor  (Carnarronshire), 
Llanrian  (Pem.)  and  Llanmadoc  in  Gower  (Glam.). 

3  Th?  date  upon  a  stone  in  the  west  face  of  the  tower  is  illegible, 
but  Mr.  Edward  Owen,  F.S.A.,  has  found  a  note  in  an  eighteenth- 
century  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  which  determines  the  date  1636. 


88 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


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The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  89 

though  the  same  structural  reason  for  the  peculiarity  does 
not  apply,  as  at  Bedale  (Yorks),  Bodiam  (Sussex>,  and 
Bwelme  (Oxon) — all  in  the  late  Perpendicular  style — and 
in  a  Cornish  group  of  late  towers  an  oblong  plan  was 
deliberately  adopted,  as  at  South  Petherwin,  Falmouth, 
St.  Mabe,  St.  Mawgan-in-Meneage,  St.  Anthony-in- 
Meneage,  and  Euan  Major. 

The  towers  of  Llanfechell  (Fig.  22)  and  Llaneilian 
(Fig.  12)  recall  in  their  aspect  the  semi-military  towers 
which  set  the  type  for  the  towers  of  the  west  and  south 
coasts  of  Wales,  the  openings  being  mere  slits  or  loop- 
holes.  Llanfechell  tower  is  heavily  battlemented  and 
crowned  by  a  short  stone  octagonal  spire  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  This  little  spire  is  markedly  convex  in  outline, 
imparting  to  it  almost  a  sugar-loaf  appearance.  It  was 
usual  to  give  a  slight  entasis  to  spires,  but  sometimes,  as 
in  this  case,  this  was  so  exaggerated  as  to  mar  to  some 
extent  the  effect  of  a  spire.1 

The  tower  at  Llanerchymedd  (Fig.  24)  has  been  over- 
restored,  but  retains  the  unusual  provision  that  was  here 
made  for  the  accommodation  of  an  exterior  bell,  which  is 
hung  within  a  gable  that  rises  from  the  centre  of  the 
eastern  parapet  of  the  tower.  A  small  bell — over  and 
above  the  bells  which  were  within  the  tower — was  com- 
monly  rung  in  the  Middle  Ages  at  the  Sanctus  in  the 
Mass,  and  at  the  Elevation  of  the  Host,  to  notify  the 
completion  of  the  Consecration.  Hence  it  has  been  gener- 
all}7  called  the  Sanctus  bell.  The  bell  whose  function  it 
was  to  announce  publicly  the  most  sacred  moments  of  the 
chief  service  of  the  Church  was  naturally  hung  in  a 
position  from  which  its  sound  might  be  widely  heard. 
Accordingly,  in  an  ordinary  parochial  church  a  special 

1  As  at  Glinton  (Northants),  Caythorpe  and  Welbourne  (Lincs), 
and — an  extreme  case — at  Gilmorton  (Leics). 

H 


9o 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


little  gable  or  turret  for  the  Sanctus  bell  was  erected  over 
the  east  end  of  the  nave  just  above  the  entrance  to  the 
chancel.  Sometimes  this  sanctus-bell  turret  over  the 
chancel  arch  was  elaborated  into  a  graceful  spirelet  of 

é- 


24.     Llanerchymedd,  Tower. 
stone  so  as  to  become  an  imposing  feature  of  the  exterior 
of  the  church  as  at  Walpole  St,  Peter  (Norfolk)  and  Mells 
(Somerset),  and  this  became  the  fashion  in  a  group  of 
churches  on  the  Wilts  and  Gloucestershire  border,  being 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


91 


found  at  Wanborough,  Castle  Eaton,  South  Marston  and 
Burton  (Wilts)  and  at  Barnwood  (Glos).  Earely  the  extra 
bell  was  placed  in  some  other  position  on  the  body  of  the 
church,  as  at  Southwold  (Suffolk) — upon  the  centre  of  the 
roof-ridge — or  at  Methwold  (Norfolk) — upon  the  outer 
angle  at  the  east  end  of  the  south  aisle.  In  the  eastern 
counties  it  became  quite  a  regular  custom  to  erect  a 
special  fléche  for  such  a  bell  upon  the  roof  of  the  tower, 


25.     East  Hagbourne  (Berks^,  Tower. 

as  at  Swafîham  (Norfolk),  Boxford  (Suffolk),  Chelmsford 
(Essex),  and  many  other  churches  in  these  three  counties, 
while  in  a  few  cases  a  little  bell  is  suspended  upon  the 
outside  of  a  spire,  as  at  Hadleigh  (Suffolk),  Icldeton  and 
Hinxton  (Cambs.),  Wethersfield,  Great  Baddow  and  All 
Saints  Maldon  (Essex),  Glaston  (Butland)  and  Oxborough 
(Norfolk).  The  tower  of  Llanerchymedd  is  almost  alone 
in  the  distinction  of  having  a  special  sanctus-bell  gable 
designed  so  as  to  rise  from  the  centre  of  the  tower  battle- 
ment.  A  close  parallel,  however,  exists  at  East  Hagbourne 

h  2 


92  The  Ecelesiology  of  Anglesey. 

(Berks)  (Fig.  25),  where  a  graceful  spirelet  with  fianking 
pinnacles  stands  upon  the  battlement  of  the  tower,  in  the 
analogous  position — on  its  eastern  side,  overlooking  the 
body  of  the  church. 

Other  Anglesey  towers  call  for  but  little  attention. 
The  poor  towers  at  Llangefni1  and  Llangeinwen  date 
from  the  earlier  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  and  are 
average  examples  of  such  attempts  at  ' '  Gothic  ' '  as  were 
made  at  that  period ,  while  Amlwch  church  has  a  tower  of 
the  eighteenth  century  type  that  followed  upon  the  work 
of  Wren,  in  which  Gothic  outline  is  maintained,  with  a 
balustrade  for  parapet  and  with  quasi-classical  detail,  a 
tower  that  falls  into  the  same  category  with  those  of 
Bangor-is-y-Coed  (Denbighshire)  and  Llanfyllin  (Mont- 
gom.).  and  such  Shropshire  examples  as  Whitchurch, 
Quatt,  Bolas  Magna  and  Wellington.  New  churches 
erected  in  place  of  old  ones  have  been  responsible  for 
towers  with  spires  of  thoroughly  exotic  type  in  some 
Anglesey  parishes,  as  at  Llanedwen,  Llanwenllwyfo  and 
Llangaffo. 

IV. — ACCESSORIES  AND  CHÜECH  FlTTINGS. 
(i)    CELTIC   CROSSES. 

It  seems  somewhat  strange  that  while  Penmon  was, 
from  the  far-off  days  of  St.  Seiriol  in  the  sixth  century,  a 
centre  of  Celtic  Church  life  the  structure  of  the  Priory 
church  should  be  in  the  alien  style  of  the  Norman — a 
Norman  minster,  in  fact,  upon  a  small  scale.  There  are, 
however,  relics  which  connect  Penmon  with  its  earlier 
days  in  the  shape  of  tall  Celtic  crosses,  of  which  two  are 
practically  complete,  while  fragments  of  a  third  remain. 

1  Llangefni  church  was  built  in  1824  in  the  same  enclosure  with 
the  older  church,  whose  site  may  still  be  traced  near  the  fine  yew 
trees  by  the  entranee  to  thç  churchyard. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  93 

One  of  these  crosses  now  stands  in  the  south  transept 
of  the  church,  and  there  is  a  second  at  a  little  distance 
away  in  the  Park,  rather  larger  in  size,  but  similar  to  it 
in  form  and  in  the  character  of  its  ornament.  The  cross 
of  equal  arms  which  crowns  the  shaft  extends,  in  both 
cases,  beyond  the  circular  head,1  and  the  shaft  is  adorned 
on  all  sides  with  key-pattern  and  strands  of  interlacing 
work,  such  as  are  usually  met  with  in  monuments  of  the 
kind.  Figure-sculpture,  which  is  dominant  upon  Trish  tall 
crosses,  sometimes  to  such  an  extent  as  to  crowd  their 
surface,  is  generally  absent  from  the  Celtic  crosses  of 
Wales  and  Cornwall.  or  only  appears  to  a  limited  extent, 
and  is  quite  subordinated  to  conventional  patterns.  The 
cross  in  the  Park  at  Penmon  is,  accordingly,  the  more 
interesting,  since  some  rudely  executed  figures  appear 
upon  two  of  its  faces.  One  panel  of  its  broad  southern 
face  has  the  figure  of  a  saint  with  nimbus  (or  of  Christ) 
between  two  nondescript  creatures  with  bird-like  bodies 
and  animal  heads,  while  on  a  smaller  panel  at  the  base  is 
represented  a  man  on  horseback  with  some  smaller  figures. 
Upon  the  narrower  east  face  of  the  shaft  is  carved  the 
figure  of  a  man  with  some  animals.2 

1  As  in  the  splendid  tall  crosses  at  Carew,  Nevern  and  Penally 
(Pem.).  At  Carew  the  spaces  between  the  arms  of  the  cross  and 
the  circle  are  pierced,  while  at  Nevern  they  are  occnpied  by  bosses. 
In  the  cross  in  Penmon  south  transept  the  like  spaces  are  filled 
in  with  carved  interlacing  strands  arranged  in  triangular  form. 
The  cross  at  the  head  of  the  example  at  Llanbadarn-Fawr  (Card.) 
has  no  containing  circle.  In  the  fine  cross  of  Maen  Chwyfan  near 
Dyserth  (Flint)  the  solid  circle  at  the  top  encloses  the  cross,  so 
that  this  should  be  classified  amongst  "  wheel-crosses,"  to  which 
category  the  very  numerous,  though  less  tall,  Cornish  crosses,  as 
a  class,  belong. 

2  One  of  these  animals  is  figured  upside  down  as  though  dead, 
suggesting  tbat  the  intention  of  the  craftsman  was  to  represent 
a  scene  of  the  chase. 


94 


The  Ecclesiojogy  of  Angiesey. 


(II)    FONTS. 

When  the  heathen  tribes  who  had  overrun  the  Roman 
Empire  in  the  West  were  first  converted  to  Christianity 
it  was  the  custom  of  the  missionaries,  after  primitive  pre- 
cedent,1  to  resort  to  rivers,  pools  or  springs  for  the  bap- 
tism  of  their  converts.  Bede,  writing  of  the  planting  of 
Christianity  in  the  province  of  Deira,  tells  how  Paulinus 


26.     Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd,  Font. 

was  wont  to  baptize  in  the  river  Swale,  no  baptisteries 
having  as  yet  been  built.2  In  the  Celtic  lands  of  Wales, 
Ireland  and  Brittany  the  world-wide  phenomenon  of  the 
cult  of  sacred  wells,  with  its  peculiar  appeal  to  the  native 

1  As  in  the  example  of  the  baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunich  by 
St.  Philip,  Acts  viii,  38. 

2  "  Baptizavit  in  fiuvio  Sualia,  qui  \  icum  Caractacam  praeter- 
fluit.  Nondum  enim  oratoria  vel  baptisteria  in  ipso  exordio 
nascentis  ibi  ecclesiae  poterant  aedificari."     Hist.  Eccles.,  ii,  14. 


The  Ëcclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


95 


imagination,  found  a  special  expression/  and  (Jhristian 
missionaries,  acting  in  this  as  in  other  respects,  upon 
the  wise  principle  of  adapting  and  sanctifying  what  was 
natural  to  man,  baptized  their  converts  at  wells  and 
springs  which  already  had  their  religious,  though  heathen^ 
association,  placing  them  in  the  new  dispensation  under 


Llanfìhangel-yn-Nhywyn,  Font. 


the  protection  of  the  true  God  and  His  saints  instead  of 
the  spirits  of  pre-Christian  mythology.2 

1  See  Hartwell  Jones,  Celtic  Britain  and  the  Piìgrim  Morement, 
pp.  381  et  seqq. 

:  In  Anglesey  the  well  at  Penmon  may  be  seen  in  its  own  special 
structure  at  a  little  distance  from  the  church,  and  at  Cerrigcein- 
wen  the  holy  well  is  in  the  churchyard.  Giraldus  mentions  two 
welLs  at  Llanddwyn  (Itinerarium,  II,  vii).  Well-chapels  were 
probably  erected  in  the  first  instance  to  serve  as  baptisteries,  and 
sereral  structures  of  the  type  remain  in  Cornwall,  as  at  St.  Madron 


96 


The  Ecclesiolooy  of  Anglesey. 


By  a  natural  transition  the  first  artificial  receptacles 
for  the  baptismal  water  would  take  a  tub-like  or  tank 
form,1  and  when,  in  the  period  succeeding  the  Norman 
Conquest,  a  stone  font  became  a  regular  article  of  the 
furniture  of  a  church  we  find  that  it  is  of  such  shape. 


28.     Llanrhychwyn  (Carnarvon),  Font. 

Examples  of  early  oblong  rectangular  fonts  occur  in  Angle- 
sey  at  Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd  (Fig.  -26),  Llanfihangel- 
yn-Nhywyn   (Fig.  27)  and  Tal-y-Llyn,  and  of  the  same 

(a  primitive  esample,  now  in  ruins),  Dupath  Well  (near  Calling- 
ton),  St.  Cleer  (near  Liskeard)  and  St.  Breward  (near  Bodmin). 
In  North  Wales  we  have  the  esample  of  St.  Trillo's  Chapel  and 
Well,  LlandriHo-yn-Rhos.  See  Bezant  Lowe,  The  Heurt  of 
Northern   Wáles,  Vol.  I,  pp.  367-8. 

1  [Uustrative  esamples  are  given  by  J.  C.  Wall  in  Porches  und 
Fonts,  p.  286. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  97 

primitive  type  is  the  plain  early  font  at  Llanrhychwyn 
(Camarvonshire)  (Fig.  28).  Of  these  the  font  of  Llanfair- 
yn-y-Cwmmwd  is  of  special  interest  011  .account  of  its 
adornment.  The  bowl  has  rudely-caryed  heads  with 
crosses  between  them  011  its  lower  part,  with  above  them 
a  waving  band  of  the  cable  moulding  that  appears  fre- 
quently  as  a  feature  of  twelfth  century  fonts.  Anglesey 
is  oeculiarly  rich  in  font  bowls  of  this  same  period,  of  tub- 
li  ^e  form,  covered  ẁith  well-executed  ornament.   Of  these 


29.     Llangeinwen,  Font. 

the  fonts  at  Llangeinwen  (Fig.  29)  and  Llanidan  (Fig.  30) 
are  remarkable  for  their  very  graceful  patterns  in  relief 
showing  irifluence  of  Greek  classical  design.1  Other  font- 
bowls  of  this  tub-like  fonn  have  been  obviously  influenced 
in  their  ornament  by  such  designs  as  characterise  the 
early  Celtic  crosses.  Interlacing  strands  arranged  in 
panels  appear  on  the  font-bowl  at  Llangristiolus  (Fig.  33). 

1  Patterns  of  this  class  occur  elsewhere  chiefly  in  Devon  (ás  at 
Plymstock)  in  Cornwall  (as  at  Fowey,  Ladock  and  St.  Feock)  and 
in  a  splendid  Buckinghamshire  group — all  of  the  Norman  period. 
The  font-bowl  at  St.Tudno  Llandudno  bas  a  band  of  analogous 
ornament. 


98 


Thc  Ecclcsiology  of  Anglesey 


Incised  lines  set  saltire-wise  in  panels  are  the  only  attempt 
at  adornment  upon  the  bowls  at  Llanfair-yn-Neubwll 
(Fig.  35)  and  Llangaffo  (Fig.  36),  the  latter  retooled  in 
recent  times,  so  that  il  has  lost  its  archaic  character.  The 
tub-shaped  font  at  Hen  Eglwys  (Fig.  34)  is  one  of  the 
most  interesting  of  its  class.  Its  main  ornament  is  a  range 
of  arcading,  such  as  formed  one  of  the  commonest  features 


30.     Llanidan,  Font. 

of  twelfth-century  fonts,  with  bands  above  and  below 
exhibiting  the  key-pattern,  and  lozengy  forms  of  incised 
lines  such  as  occur  in  Celtic  work. 

Sometimes,  instead  of  fashioning  a  font-bowl  expressly 
for  his  purpose,  a  craftsman  would  economise  in  work- 
manship  by  making  use  of  a  block  of  stone  already  worked 
that  lay  ready  to  hand  and  was  in  its  shape  more  or  less 
suitable.  Parts  of  columns  from  Roman  stations  in 
Britain  have  thus  been  converted  into  fonts  at  Hexham 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


99 


(Northumberland),  Eentchester  (Hereford),  Over  Denton 
(Cumberland)  and  Wroxeter  (Salop),  while  Roman  altars 
have  been  hollowed  out  and  similarly  adapted  at  Choller- 
ton  and  Haydon  Bridge  (Northumberland),  and  the  very 
curious  monolith  font  at  Old  Radnor  appeàrs  to  have  been 
fashioned  froni  a  Druidical  altar.1 

Anglesey  affords  a  most  interesting  example  of  adap- 
tation  of  earlier  worked  material  in  the  font  at  Penmon, 


31.     Penmon,  Font. 

which  has  been  formed  from  the  base  of  a  Celtie  cross, 
with  a  receptacle  hollowed  out  to  hold  the  baptismal 
water  (Fig.  31).  Its  faces  bear  patterns  characteristic  of 
the  tall  crosses,  including  the  key-pattern  and  the  trian- 
gular  knots  of  interlacing  strands  which  appear  upon  the 
cross  that  stands  in  the  south  transept  of  the  same  church. 
There  are  some  curious  examples  elsewhere  of  the  em- 
ployment  of  portions  of  tall  crosses  in  forming  fonts.  At 
Melbury  Bubb   (Dorset)    (Fig.  32)  the  font  is  evidently 

'Described  in  Baptismal  Fonts  (S.P.C.R.),  p.  19.       ■ 


ÌOO 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Ariglesey. 


part  of  the  cylindrical  shaft  of  a  cross,  inverted  so  that 
the  wider  diameter  is  uppermost,  and  a  hollow  has  been 
scooped  out  to  serve  for  the  baptismal  basin.  The  font  at 
Wilne  (Derbyshire)  has  been  made  in  exactly  the  same 
manner,  so  that  in  both  these  cases  the  lavish  ornament, 
including  animal  figures,  is  now  shown  upside  down.  In 
yet  another  case — at  Dolton  (Devon) — both  the  bowl  and 
pedestal  of  the  font  are  formed  by  fragments  of  rectan- 


32.     Melbury  Bubb  (Dorset),  Font. 

gular  shafts  of  Celtic  crosses,  but  apparently  unrelated 
and  dissimilar  ìiì  the  character  of  their  ornament. 

A  good  many  Anglesey  fonts,  besides  those  above 
mentioned,  are  also  of  early  type,  such  as  those  at  Cerrig- 
ceinwen,  Llanbabo,  Llanbadrig,  Llanbeulan,  Llanddeu- 
sant,  Llanynghenedl,  Llanfechell,  Llantrisant,  Llechcyn- 
farwy,  Pentraeth  and  Trefdraeth. 

From  fche  later  part  of  the  fchirteenth  century  onwards 
an  octagonal  form  became  usual  for  the  font-bowl,  and  a 
good  many  plain  octagonal  fonts  date  from  the  fourteenth 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Angiesey. 


101 


century,  and  may  belong  to  almost  any  subsequent  period. 
Fonts  of  this  kind  are  frequent  in  Anglesey,  occurring  at 


33.     Llangristiolus,  Font. 


34.     Hen  Eglwys,  Font. 

Llanbedr-goch,    Llanddona,    Llandrygarn,    Llandyssilio, 
Llanfaethlu,  Llanfihangel-Dinsilwy,  Llanfihangel-Yscei- 


102 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


fiog,  Penmynydd  and  Penrhos-Lligwy.  At  Llandegfan 
the  plain  octagonal  font-bowl  had  been  discarded  from 
the  church  and  reposed  for  some  time  in  the  garden  at 
Nanthowel.  Now,  given  back  to  the  church  again,  it  has 
been  erected  upon  a  base  of  tiles,  and  stands  in  the  churçh- 
yard  in  the  space  between  the  south  transept  and   the 


35.     Llanfair-yn-Neubwll,  Font. 

porch   (Fig.  37).     At  Holyhead  a  plain  octagonal  bowl 
bears  the  inscription  : — 

ROBERT 

. LLOYD 
ROBERTAP 

HVPROB 

ERT  •  WAl! 

DENS 

with  the  date  october  1662  (Fig.  38),  commemorating  its 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


36.     Llangaffo,  Font. 


37.     Llandegfan,  Font. 


io4 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


restoration  to  its  due  place  in  the  church  after  the  troubles 
of  the  period  of  the  Commonwealth  when  many  fonts  were 
misused  and  cast  away.  Similarly  a  square  bowl  at  Llan- 
wenllwyfo,  which  has  the  appearance  of  an  early  one,  is 
dated  1661,  and  at  Llanddeinolen  (Carnarvonshire)  the  re- 
chiselled  font  is  inscribed  with  the  sacred  name  ihc,  and 


38.     Holyhead,  Font. 

below  it  the  date  1665  with  the  initials  ws  and  wp,  pro- 
bably  of  churchwardens.  A  good  many  English  fonts  bear 
a  date  of  this  same  period  with  initials  or  names  of  church 
officials  appended.  Thus  at  Rothwell  (Yorks)  we  find — 
1662,  c.r.  (the  King),  r.  w.  vicariüs  wrothwell  ;  at 
Sandal  Magna  (Yorks) — 1662.  c.R.  (the  King)  h.b.  :  r.d.  ; 
at  Birldn  (Yorks)— 1663.  John  Morreth.  John  Hollings. 
William   Leak.    John  Baxter ;  at  Ripple   (Kent) — 1663, 


Tke  Ecclesiology  of  A  nglesey. 


105 


r.p.  ;  and  at  Atcham  (Salop)— 1675  §  wp  .  gt  Issey 
(Cornwall)  1664.  At  Ackworth  (Yorks)  the  setting  up  of 
the  font  again  after  its  profanation  during  the  Common- 
wealth  is  more  expressly  commemorated,  the  inscription 


reading 


BAPTISTERIUM  BILI  PHANATICORUM  DIRUTUM 
DENÜO  ERECTUM.      THO.  BRADLEY  D.D.  RECTORE 
H.A.  :   T.C.   GARDIANIS     1663. 


39.     Beaumaris,  Font. 

A  most  curious  example  of  a  base-metal  font  at 
Beaumaris  deserves  special  mention.  In  form  it  is  of  the 
sundial  or  garden  flower-vase  shape,  with  diminutive 
bowl,  which  found  favour  in  the  days  of  the  eighteenth 


io6  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

century  when  men  were  indifferent  to  tradition  in  the 
ceremonial  and  fittings  of  our  churches.  This  font  is  now 
placed  within  the  south  porch,  and,  being  extremely 
heavy,  is  mounted  upon  a  small  square  slab  of  stone  pro- 
vided  with  four  little  wheels,  so  that  the  whole  may  be 
moved  without  great  effort  (Fig.  39). 

Fonts  of  metal,  being  strictly  speaking  uncanonical, 
are  not  very  common,  but  there  are  altogether  thirty-one 
leaden  fonts  in  England,1  and  a  solitary  example  of  a 
brass  font  at  Little  Gidding  (Hunts)  dates  from  1626, 
when  Nicholas  Ferrar,  a  devoted  adherent  of  the  Laudian 
school,  revived  a  semi-monastic  life  in  his  mansion  there. 
Fonts  of  iron  are  equally  rare,  there  being  only  one 
example  in  our  own  country,  viz.,  at  Blaenavon  (Mon), 
where  a  font  of  this  material  was  provided  for  the  church 
at  the  time  of  its  erection  (1805)  by  the  proprietors  of  the 
local  ironworks.  The  present  Eoyal  Font  of  England  is 
also  of  metal — silver  gilt — in  the  shape  of  a  portable  cup- 
shaped  vessel  standing  3  feet  high.  l't  ẅas  made  by  order 
of  Charles  II  and  is  kept  with  the  regalia  in  the  Tower 
of  London.2 

(ill)    SEPÜLCHRAL  MEMORIALS. 

Under  this  head  some  outstanding  examples  may  be 
referred  to  : — 

(a)  Of  early  Cross  Sepuìchral  Sìabs  an  ornate  speci- 
men  at  Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd  is  now  fixed  in  an  upright 
position  to  the  north  wall  of  the  interior  of  the  church 
(Fig.  40).  The  Norman  semi-classical  character  of  the 
foliage  decoration,  akin  to  that  upon  the  font  of  Llan- 
geinwen  and  upon  the  large  sepulchral  slabs  at  St.  Tudno 

1  Particulars  of  these  are  given  in  Baptismal  Fonts  (S.P.C.R.), 
Chapter  ix. 

a  The  Royal  Font  is  described  and  illustrated  by  J.  Ç.  Wall  in 
Porches  and  Fonts,  pp.  193-4. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey 


107 


Llandudno,    indicate    a    late    twelfth-century    or    early 
thirteenth-century  date. 

(b)  In   Monumental    Effigies    Anglesey    is    not    rich. 
Llaniestyn  church  has  an  early  example,  popularly  de- 


*=«*- 


40.     Sepulchral  Slab,  Llanfair-yn-y-Cwmmwd. 

scribed  as  a  figure  of  St.  Iestyn.  In  the  grounds  of  Baron 
Hill  near  Beaumaris  is  preserved  the  stone  coffin  of 
Princess  Joan,  daughter  of  the  English  Iving  John,  with 

1  2 


io8 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


her  figure  upon  the  lid.     The  illegitimate  princess  was 
bestowed  in  marriage  by  her  father  upon  Llewelyn  ap 


íl'fcttv.    tfut-    3oAu    öf 

CATK£R»NE     ev-UtS 

Wl'cJLow,  McuAçjkt<W  aAiij  So\í.Uur 
€-fs   cỳ  TKOMASUni_LlAMS  o[ 

Bo4Iew  C-e»vt.    Wcf-*.  op 
"OHN  EUIS  ofSlỳmllyn  £>.!>. 

RíLttbi-  c?f-  LÌcjLncldciUn  c^ä.  Cjnajü 
C«Jl»r  of  í>t".  Da.vi'd6  ,cn. 
S7\£-  Kcxc(     fU/o  tûvvî  ÍOcíí   IIajo 
tlcuA<jKí-«.*-S    Vlel. 

THOMAS  «*<*.  TOHfO 
MAPl&ARETWCATWÊRlWE 
Skx  dU(>A.rfì<A  ttùs  Lcft  (£*•   t 

ìcfroU^  »/  Nov<i>^t>ev  V- 


41.     Memorial  Slab,  Llanddeiniol-Fab. 

Iorwerth  (the  Great),  the  friend  and  patron  of  the  monks 
and  of  the  Franciscan  Friars,  and  benefactor  of  Penmon 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  109 

Priory,  and  was  buried  at  her  husband's  foundation  of 
Llanfaes,  close  to  Beaumaris.  After  centuries  of  desecra- 
tion  the  tomb  is  now  carefully  preserved.  The  not  far 
distant  church  of  Penmynydd  also  contains  a  fine  monu- 
ment  with  recumbent  effigies,  removed  like  Princess 
Joan's  tomb  from  Llanfaes,1  commemorating  fifteenth- 
century  members  of  the  Tudor  family  which  later  became 
the  roval  house  of  Britain. 

(c)  The  abundant  local  material  of  slate  has  been 
freely  used  for  headstones  in  graveyards  during  the 
eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries,  but  has  seldom  been 
employed  for  interior  memorials.  There  is,  however,  a 
most  interesting  example  of  a  Slate  Memorial  Slab  at 
Llanddeiniol-Fab  (Fig.  41).  This  is  now  fixed  to  the 
inner  wall  of  the  porch  and  commemorates  the  heiress  of 
Bodlew,  who  married  Dr.  John  Ellis,  Chancellor  of  St. 
Davids,  and  died  in  1723.  Such  use  of  slabs  of  slate  for 
interior  memorials  is  specially  characteristic  of  Corn- 
wall,  where  their  great  number  and  variety  form  highly 
important  evidence  of  the  local  art  of  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries.2 

(d)  Of  Modern  Memorials  special  mention  may  be 
made  of  the  altar-tomb,  with  attendant  angels,  to  the 
Hon.  W.  O.  Stanley,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Anglesey,  in  the 
Stanley  Memorial  Chapel,  which  forms  a  strildng  feature 
of  the  interior  of  the  church  at  Holyhead. 

1  Llanfaes  Priory  was  a  farourite  burial-place  in  this  part  of 
the  country.  There  were  interred  a  son  of  the  King  of  Denmark. 
Lord  Clifford,  and  many  of  the  hnights  slain  in  the  Welsh 
wars. 

2  A  few  of  these  Cornish  slate  niemorials  are  as  old  as  the  six- 
teenth  century,  as  at  Whitstone  (1535),  Laniyet  (1559),  Talland 
(1572),  Michaelstow  (1577)  and  Lanhydroch  (1599).  Amongst  the 
very  large  number  of  seventeenth-century  examples  fine  ones  occur 
at  Blisland,  St.  Breock,  Davidstow,  Egloshayle,  St.  Ewe,  St.  Ive, 
Laudrahe,  Lanreath,  North  Hill  and  St.  Stephen-by-Launceston. 


IIO 


The  Ëcclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


(IV)    WOODWORE. 

The  fifteenth  century  was,  throughout  the  country, 
the  golden   age   of  church   furniture,   and   in   Anglesey, 


42.     Miserere,  Beaumaris. 

as  elsewhere  generally,  pre-Eeformation  woodwork  of 
notable  character  dates  from  this  period,  being  found 
usually  in  stalls  and  screens. 

(A)  Stalls. 

The  original  fifteenth-century  stalls  remain  at  Llan- 
eilian  in  the  chancel  that  was  rebuilt  at  that  time,  and 


43.     Miserere,  Beaumaris. 

may  be  compared  with  the  choir-stalls  at  Clynnog-Fawr 
(Carnarvonshire),  of  approximately  the  same  date. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  1 1 1 

The  chancel  of  Beaumaris,  though  later  in  date,  has 
been  fitted  with  some  twenty-five  seats  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  brought  from  the  Priory  of  Llanfaes  near  by. 
These  are  of  the  usual  type  of  their  period,  and  are  distin- 
guished  by  the  fine  carving  around  the  small  "  miserere  " 
seat  on  their  under  sides.  In  the  centre  of  each  seat  is  a 
demi-angel  with  outstretched  wings  and  holding  a  shield. 
The  angel  is  in  every  case  flanked  by  well-executed 
heads.  Some  are  male  heads,  tonsured,  hooded,  mitred  or 
crowned,  while  others  are  female,  bareheaded,  hooded  or 
wearing  caps.  In  some  the  occupations  of  daily  life  are 
pictured — a  man  carrying  a  barrel  and  women  bearing  in 
one  case  a  sheaf  of  corn,  and  in  another  a  milk-pail. 
Examples  from  these  '  misereres  '  are  illustrated  in 
Figs.  42,  43. 

(b)  Rood-screens. 

In  the  old  churches  of  the  native  plan  the  rood-screen 
which  formed  the  division  between  the  ritual  chancel  and 
the  nave  must  have  been  the  most  interesting  and  the 
most  ornate  feature  of  the  typical  Welsh  village  church. 
Unfortunately  the  majority  of  these  have  perished,  for, 
though  they  persisted  through  the  changes  consequent 
upon  the  Reformation,  and  lingered  in  considerable  num- 
ber  through  the  subsequent  difficult  days  of  the  growth 
of  Puritan  prejudice,  and  the  period  of  neglect  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  they  fell  in  the  earlier  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century  before  the  misguided  zeal  of  church 
' '  restorers  ' ' ,  being  sacrificed  to  the  craze  for  an  open  vista 
of  a  whole  interior  which  marked  that  epoch.  Thus  most 
of  the  old  Welsh  churches  lost  their  most  imposing  in- 
ternal  feature,  and  one,  besides,  that  carried  them  back 
to  a  ceremonial  arrangement  that  marked  their  lineal 
descent  from  the  first  sanctuaries  built  when  Christianity 
was  introduced  into  the  land. 


ÍI2 


The  Ëcclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


Garnareonshire. 


Merioncth. 
Montgomery. 


Brecon. 


Fine  examples  of  rood-screens,  however,  remain  in  the 
following  churches  : — 

Denbighshire.         Gresford. 

Llanrwst.1 
Clynnog  Fawr.2 
Conway.2 
Dohwddelan.3 
Llanberis.4 
Llanengan.1 
Llanegryn.1 
Montgomery.1 
Guilsfield. 
Llanwnog.1 
Pennant  Melangell.1 
Llandefalle. 
Llanelieu.5 
Llanfillo.1 
Patricio.6 
Beguildy. 
Cascob.1 
Llananno.1 
Llanbister.7 
Old  Eadnor. 

1  In  these  cases  the  screens  retain  their  lofts  above.  The  loft 
parapets  at  Llanrwst,  Llanegryn,  Montgomery,  Pennant  Melangell, 
Llanfillo,  Cascob  and  Llananno  are  panelled,  the  panels  in  tlie  last 
case  being  filled  with  statuary.  At  Llanengan,  Llanwnog,  Patricio, 
Bettws-Newydd,  and  Llangwm  the  loft  parapets  have  their  panels 
filled  with  pierced  tracery  of  varied  and  graceful  patterns. 

2  These  screens  have  retained  the  fioors  of  their  lofts. 

3  This  screen  is  now  surmounted  by  an  eighteentli-century  balus- 
trade.  *  Now  removed  to  the  west  end  of  the  church. 

s  The  screens  at  Llanelieu  and  Bettws  are  remarkable  in  having 
tbe  whole  space  between  the  loft  and  the  roof  of  the  church  boarded 
up  so  as  to  form  a  partition  between  the  sanctuary  and  the  nave, 
after  primitive  Celtic  precedent. 

6  At  Patricio  stone  altars  stand  against  the  screen  to  right  and 
left  of  the  entrance  to  the  chancel.    This  was  a  not  unusual  position 


Radnor. 


mmi^MmmäSSSÉÊÊSsíF 


To  facc  p.  113. 


44.  — Llaneilian,  Rood-Screen. 


The  Ecctesiology  of  Anglesey.  i  i 


Monmouth.  Bettws  Newydd.5 

Llangwm.1 

Usk.8 

Tbe  church  of  Llaneilian  in  Anglesey  is  foftunate  in 
having  retained  its  rood-screen  contemporary  with  the 
rebuilding  of  the  church  in  the  fifteenth  century  (Fig.  44). 
The  screen  itself  is  of  four  rectangular  openings,  without 
tracery  in  their  heads,9  on  each  side  of  the  entrance  in  the 
centre,  where  still  hang  the  original  doors.  Above  this  a 
coved  projection  supports  the  floor  of  the  loft,  and  the 
horizontal  mouldings  and  cornice  are  filled  with  a  deli- 
cately  carved  pattern  of  stiff  conventional  flowers  and 
leaves,  with  cusped  tracery.  The  parapet  of  open  panels 
is  without  tracery  or  carved  ornament,  and  the  loft  was 
rendered  easily  accessible  by  a  staircase  within  a  stone 
turret  at  the  south-east  corner  of  the  nave,  which  forms  a 
prominent  object  in  an  exterior  view,  since  it  rises  above 
the  roof  of  the  church,  to  which  it  also  gives  access 
(Fig.  12). 

Portions  of  old  rood-screens  remain  in  some  churches 
here  and  there  in  the  country.    At  Newtown  (Montgom.) 

for  subsidiary  altars,  as  at  Ranworth  (Norfolk).  It  is  a  prevailing 
arrangement  in  France  where  rood-screens  have  been  retained,  as 
at  St.  Florentin  (Yonne)  and  the  church  of  the  Madeleine  at  Troyes 
(Aube).  A  like  arrangement  is  sean  in  Wales  at  St.  David's,  where 
the  parish  altar  is  placed  against  the  screen  to  the  north  of  the  en- 
trance,  the  chapter  altar  occupying  the  usual  place  of  the  high  altar 
in  the  chancel.       '  An  unusually  plain  and  rudely-executed  example. 

8  The  scheme  of  colour  and  gold  has  been  restored  in  thLs  case. 
Fragments  of  a  scre^n  recovered  at  Mount  (Cardigan)  during  repairs 
in  the  winter  of  1916-7  show  traces  of  red  and  green  colouring, 
and  Meyrich  in  his  work  on  Cardiganshire  refers  to  the  colouring 
of  the  screens  at  Llanbadarn  Fawr.  Fragments  of  the  screen  of 
Llanfairfechan,  preserved  at  the  Old  Plas,  are  also  coloured  in  red 
and  green. 

'  Contrasting  in  this  respect  with  the  compartments  of  such 
screens  as  Llanrwst,  Conway,  Llananno,  and  others,  which  have 
lace-like  tracery  in  their  heads. 


1 14  Tlie  Ecclesiology  oý  Anglesey. 

considerable  remains  have  been  converted  into  panelling 
around  the  sanctnary  of  the  church  which  has  succeeded 
the  old  parish  church,  now  in  ruins  on  the  bank  of  the 
Severn.  At  Penmachno  (Carnarvonshire)  some  parts  are 
now  incorporated  in  the  communion  rail,  while  St.  Tudno 
Llandudno  and  Llangelynin  churches  in  the  same  county 
also  retain  remnants  of  their  screens.  The  Anglesey 
churches  of  Llanallgo  and  Llangwyllog  have  some  relics 
of  the  like  kind.  Farther  south  we  find  some  traceried 
panels  of  a  former  screen  worked  into  a  reredos  at  Llan- 
cynfelin  (Cardigan),  and  two  large  beams  of  the  rood- 
screen  belonging  to  the  old  church  of  Llanina  (Cardigan) 
— now  beneath  the  waves  of  Cardigan  Bay — may  be  seen 
at  the  west  end  of  its  poor  and  comparatively  modern 
successor,  while  in  Pembrokeshire  at  Manorbier  the  pre- 
sent  chancel-screen  embodies  some  part  at  least  of  the 
earlier  and  original  one. 

(c)  Pulpits. 

Wooden  pulpits  are  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  our 
churches  of  a  date  antecedent  to  the  fifteenth  century,  to 
which  period  belong  some  valuable  examples  such  as  those 
of  Fotheringhay  (Northants)  and  Wenden  (Essex).x  It 
was  after  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  when  peculiar 
emphasis  began  to  be  laid  on  preaching,  and  the  Anglican 
Canons  of  1603  had  ordered  that  a  comely  and  decent 
pulpit  be  provided  and  set  in  a  convenient  position,  that 
we  find  many  of  the  churches  throughout  the  land  fitted 
with  a  pulpit  with  ornament  typical  of  the  "  Jacobean  ' 
period.  Anglesey  churches  have  some  fair  examples  of  the 
type,  as  at  Bodewryd,  Llanfaethlu  and  Llangaffo.  More 
curious  is  the  finer  pulpit  in  the  lonely  and  ill-kept  church 

1  A  notable  wooden  pulpit  of  earlier  date  is  the  one  at  Lutter- 
worth  (Leics),  from  which  Wycliffe,  who  held  that  benefice,  must 
have  preached. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 


i  i 


of  Llanfihangel-Dinsilwy,  of  the  date  1628,  whose  orna- 
ment,  of  the  characteristic  forms  of  that  time,  is  bnrnt 
into  the  wood  instead  of  carved.  There  is  also  some  very 
well  executed  carved  wood-work  incorporated  into  the 
pulpit,  reading-desk  and  choir-stalls  of  the  new  church  at 
Llanedwen,  on  the  Marquis  of  Anglesey's  estate,  but  this 
was  obviously  intended  in  the  first  instance  for  domestic 
and  not  for  ecclesiastical  furniture. 


45.     Llanedwen,  Dog  Tongs. 
(V)    DOG-TONGS. 

In  connection  with  the  subject  of  church  furniture 
mention  should  be  made  of  dog-tongs,  an  instrument 
which  seems  to  have  been  much  in  vogue  with  parish  clerks 
in  this  part  of  Wales  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  early 
part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  for  the  removal  from  the 
church,  without  personal  risk,  of  troublesome  dogs.     A 


I  ió  The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey. 

curiosity  of  this  lünd  is  still  kept  at  Llaneilian  (dated 
1748)  and  at  Llanedwen  (Fig.  45),  the  grip  of  the  wooden 
pincers  being  strengthened  in  the  second  case  by  the  addi- 
tion  of  sharp  iron  spikes.  In  the  neighbouring  county  of 
Carnarvon  dog-tongs  are  also  kept  at  Bangor  Cathedral, 
at  Llanfairfechan,  at  Llaniestyn  (dated  1750),  and  at 
Clynnog-Fawr  (of  iron,  dated  1815). 

V.- — Conclusion. 

The  greater  part  of  Anglesey,  so  far  as  natural  attrac- 
tions  are  concerned,  is  somewhat  featureless.  Its  hills  do 
not  attain  the  dignity  of  mountains1  and  it  is  compara- 
tively  bare  of  trees,  so  that  its  aspect  contrasts  with  the 
grandeur  of  scenery  that  characterises  the  neighbouring 
mainland  of  Wales.2  But  to  the  student  and  the  thought- 
ful  the  human  interest  and  associations  of  the  island  must 
always  make  their  strong  appeal,  and  it  is  the  intimate 
connection  of  architecture  with  these  that  renders  an  in- 
telligent  examination  of  old  churches  especially  attractive 
though  somewhat  difficult  to  carry  out,  for  the  churches 
of  Anglesey  are  for  the  most  part  as  closely  locked  up 
and  the  keys  as  inaccessible  as  when  George  Borrow 
tramped  through  "  Wild  Wales  ".  The  present  paper 
will,  it  is  hoped,  help  to  make  it  clear  that  features  of 
building  due  to  extraneous  influence  have  their  fasci- 
nating  story  to  tell,  and  their  light  to  throw  upon  move- 
ments  of  history,  but  the  dominant  interest  of  Anglesey, 

1  TTolyhead  Mountain  is  a  little  over  700  feet  high,  while  Parys 
Mountain  only  reaehes  the  height  of  about  500  feet. 

2  Giraldus  Cambrensis  describes  the  natural  character  of  Angle- 
sey  in  a  few  words — "  Est  autein  Moniae  arida  tellus  et  saxosa, 
defonnis  aspectu  et  inamoena."  Itinerarium,  II,  vii.  Of  tlie 
church  buildings  of  the  island  he  tells  us  nothing,  but  with  liis 
usual  interest  in  natural  history  discourses  upon  a  local  breed  of 
tail-less  dogs. 


The  Ecclesiology  of  Anglesey.  1 17 

from  our  present  point  of  view,  lies  in  the  little  churches 

of   the   native    plan    which    has,    in   the   island,    always 

held  the  field.     The  great  wave  of  stone-craft  and  con- 

structive  skill  which  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  cen- 

turies  swept  over  Western  Europe  broke  upon  the  barrier 

of  the  mountains  of  Wales  and  penetrated  but  little  into 

its  valleys,  and  remote  Anglesey  was,  even  more  than  the 

rest  of  Wales,  immune  from  it.    Thus,  although  the  actual 

structure   of   an    original    oratory    of   the    sixth    century 

missionary  saints  in  no  case  remains,  yet  the  Anglesey 

churches  are  still  in  their  plan  and  general  aspect  little 

more  than  the  cells  of  the  old  Celtic  founders  whose  names 

they  perpetuate.  Lonely  upon  a  hill-side  like  Llanfihangel 

Dinsilwy  under  the  shadow  of  Bwrdd  Arthur — overlooking 

a  storm-swept  coast  like  Llanbadrig  above  the  significantly 

named  Hell's  Mouth — or  isolated  by  the  waves  of  each 

tide  like  Llangwyfan  and  Llanddwyn — bare  and  rude  in 

appearance  and  almost  devoid  of  architectural  features — 

they  tell ,  equally  with  the  town  churches  that  preside  over 

the  market-place,  or  with  stately  cathedrals  rich  in  carved 

work  and  imagery,  of  those  eternal  verities  that  lie  behind 

all  life.     Since  the  Eeformation,  which  well-nigh  struck 

a  death  blow  to  care  for  the  old  sanctuaries,  they  have 

passed  through  a  period  of  neglect,  but  in  spite  of  this 

they  witness  still  to  man's  hold  upon  the  unseen  by  that 

faith  which  brings  him  strength  for  the  struggle  of  the 

present  and  hope  for  the  world  to  come,  when  the  fleeting 

trials  of  this  transitory  life  have  passed. 

"  Yr  hoedl  er  hyd  ei  haros 
A  dderfydd  yn  nydd  ac  yn  nos."1 


Inscription  upon  the  exterior  sundial  at  Holyhead  church. 


Jronworfi  ín  *0e  £dfí  (paffejn 

By  The  Kev.  E.  TYEEELL-GEEEN,  M.A., 


When  travelling  about  the  country  the  student  of  Archi- 
tecture,  or  anyone  interested  in  artistic  design,  will  always 
be  quick  to  notice  special  features  or  peculiarities  of  a 
particular  district.  Sometimes  in  by-paths  and  out-of-the- 
way  parts,  or  in  a  neighbourhood  otherwise  barren,  a  local 
fashion,  or  some  native  school  of  workers,  has  been  re- 
sponsible  for  detail  of  unusual  merit,  or  for  some  prevail- 
ing  feature  that  is  either  peculiar  to  the  district,  or  only 
met  with  so  rarely  elsewhere  as  to  be  characteristic. 

West  Wales  is  not  remarkable,  generally  speaking,  for 
the  architecture  of  its  ancient  buildings,  which  are  for  the 
most  part  simple  in  their  plan  and  comparatively  rude  in 
their  structure.  Nor  are  the  accessories  and  fittings  of 
buildings  in  the  same  locality  noteworthy  for  beauty  of 
design  or  for  sound  workmanship.  But  there  are  occa- 
sional  exceptions,  and  the  lower  part  of  the  Teifi  valley, 
from  Llandyssul  to  Cardigan,  has  some  unusually  good 
iron-work  to  show,  which  seems  to  have  been  due  to  the 
skill  and  rivalry  of  famous  local  blacksmiths  during  the 
earlier  half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  presence  of 
such  workmanship  in  remote  places  of  this  out-of-the-way 
district  is  the  more  remarkable,  since  good  iron-work 
cannot  be  said  to  be  common  in  Wales  as  a  whole. 

Very  characteristic  work  of  these  Cardiganshire  smiths 
is  especially  seen  in  the  iron  railings,  with  tall  gates,  which 
enclose  graves  of  the  period  from  1800  to  1850  in  some  of 
the  churchyards  of  the  region.  A  great  many  of  these  are 
found  in  the  churchyard  at  Llandyssul,  and  two  of  the 


Iron-work  ìn  the   Teifi   Valley 


119 


finest,  exhibiting  interesting  variety  in  their  design,  are 
illustrated  in  Figures  1  and  2,  while  another  especially 


Fig.  1.     Gate  to  grave  enclosure,  Llandyssul. 

good  example,  almost  identical  in  form  with  Fig.  2,  occurs 
in  the  graveyard  of  Hawen  Chapel  at  Ehydlewis  eight  or 
nine  miles  distant. 


120  Iron-work  in  the   Teifi  Valley 


Fig.  2.     Gate  to  grave  enclosure,  Llandyssul. 


Iron-work  in  the   Teifi   Valley.  121 

The  little  town  of  Llandyssul  seems  to  have  been  the 
centre  of  the  activity  of  this  school  of  workers  in  iron,  for 
Tyssul  Castle,  the  largest  house  there,  has  some  very  well 
executed  iron  railings  for  its  enclosure,  adjoining  the  old 
bridge,  and  a  chemist's  shop  in  the  town  has  railings  of 
simple  and  effective  design  with  very  pleasing  double  gates 
in  the  centre  surmounted  by  an  iron  arch  with  scroll-work, 
holding  a  lamp  (Fig.  3). 

Of  design  analogous  to  the  Llandyssul  grave-railings 
is  the  fine  gate  at  the  main  entrance  on  the  south  side  of 
the  churchyard  at  Troedyraur  (Fig.  4).  This  is  known  to 
have  been  the  work  of  Thomas  Jones,  a  blacksmith  of  the 
hamlet  of  Brongest,  which  lies  in  the  valley  below  the 
church,  and  was  made  in  1831.  The  upper  part  with 
elaborate  scroll-work  is  properly  and  prudently  fixed  in  the 
stone-work  of  the  enclosing  arch,  thus  avoiding  the  heavy 
strain  upon  the  iron-work  which  would  result  were  the 
gates  so  formed  as  to  open  right  np  to  the  top.  The  actual 
gates,  which  open  in  the  centre,  measure  6J  feet  high  by 
4ît.  3in.  broad. 

Cardigan,  at  the  lowest  extremity  of  the  valley,  has  a 
graceful  example  of  similar  work,  though  on  a  smaller 
scale,  in  the  gates  which  close  a  footpath  leading  to  the 
grounds  of  the  old  castle  which  has  now  been  long  used 
as  a  private  residence  (Fig.  5). 

The  grandest  examples  of  this  local  craft  are  at  the 
upper  limit  of  the  district,  about  two  miles  above  Llan- 
dyssul.  These  are  the  great  gates  to  the  enclosure  of  the 
farm  buildings  at  Llanfair  Farm,  close  to  the  banks  of  the 
Teifi  (Figs.  6  and  7).  The  buildings  themselves  are  solid 
and  massive  in  character  in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle  of 
unusually  large  scale,  and  bear  the  date  1797.  A  tall 
round-headed  arch  forms  the  entrance  into  the  enclosure 
from  the  road,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  quadrangle 

K 


122 


Iron-zvork  in  the   Teifi   Valley 


I^<^I4^ 


Fig.  3.     Gateway  to  chemist's  shop,  Llandyssul. 


Iron-work  in  the   Teifi  Valley. 


123 


Fig.  4.     Gateway  to  churchyard,  Troedyraur. 


K    2 


124  Iron-work  in  the   Teifi   Valley. 

a  similar  archway  leads  into  the  river-meadows.  Both 
these  arches  are  filled  in  to  the  top  with  high  gates,  open- 
ing  in  the  centre,  of  finely  designed  and  well-executed 
iron-work.  The  current  story  is  that  the  respective  pairs 
of  gates  were  the  work  of  two  rival  smiths  of  the  Teifi 
valley  who  strove  to  outvie  one  another  in  the  magnifi- 
cence  of  their  work.  The  more  elaborately  designed  gates 
are  those  opening  from  the  road.  These  have  a  band  of 
scroll-work  at  the  base  and  are  no  less  than  ten  feet  in 
height.  They  are  still  strong  and  sound,  though  not  kept 
in  very  good  repair.  The  other  gates,  giving  on  to  the 
meadows  by  the  river,  are  of  similar  design  and  workman- 
ship.  Though  less  intricate  in  pattern  they  are  of  almost 
exactly  the  same  measurement,  and  John  Gôf  Edwards, 
a  blacksmith  who  lived  near-by,  used  to  claim  that  they 
had  been  made  by  his  father.  The  scroll-work  of  these 
gates  will  bear  comparison  with  the  best  work  of  the  kind 
in  other  lands,  and  the  high  gates  at  Llanfair  Farm  in 
fact  recall  such  famous  examples  as  the  similar  infillings 
of  fer  forgr  in  the  gates  of  the  old  monastery  churchyard 
at  Salzburg  in  the  Austrian  Tyrol.  The  Salzburg  gates, 
like  the  one  at  the  entrance  to  Troedyraur  churchyard, 
have  their  upper  scroll-work  fixed  in  the  containing  arch- 
way,  the  barred  gates  below  affording  sufficient  space, 
when  opened,  for  passage  in  and  out.  At  Tjlanfair  Farm 
the  gates  swing  open  to  the  very  top  of  the  arch,  a  detri- 
mental  arrangement  so  far  as  the  gates  themselves  are 
concerned,  for  the  heavy  weight  of  such  very  lofty  gates 
has  inevitably  resulted  in  some  bending  and  sagging  of  the 
work.  But  it  was  obviously  essential  that  the  farmyard 
archways  should  be  opened  to  their  full  extent  to  allow  for 
the  passage  of  heavily  laden  waggons. 

Down  to  about  50  years  ago  the  smiths  of  the  Llan- 
dyssnl  vallev  were  famous  for  their  good  work,  and  one  of 


Irou-zvork  in  the    Teifi    Vailey. 


125 


Fig.  5.     Gateway  to  footpath  to  Castle  Grounds,  Cardigan. 


t2Ó  Iron-work  in  the   Teifi  Valley. 


Fig.  6.    Gateway  to  Llanfair  Farm. 


Irou-work  in  the   Teifi   Valley.  127 

the  last  of  the  school,  named  Evan  Eees,  was  responsible 
for  the  large  vane  in  the  form  of  a  fish  that  still  adorns 
a  gable  of  the  Porth  Hotel  at  Llandyssul,  a  well-known 
house  in  West  Wales  with  fìve  miles  of  the  best  fishing 
of  the  Teifi,  and  a  favourite  resort  of  anglers  (Fig.  8).  A 
smaller  fish-vane  also  surmounts  a  small  lantern  at  Llan- 
fair  Farm  house.  Upon  buildings  by  the  banks  of  a  river 
or  near  the  sea  shore,  where  men  occupy  their  business 
in  the  waters,  it  is  not  uncommon  for  a  weather-vane  to 
assume  this  form.  Examples  occur  at  Oxborough  Eectory 
ahd  Downham  Market  in  West  Norfolk  bordering  upon 
the  Fens,  and  upon  the  church  steeples  of  Filey  (Yorks.) 
and  Piddinghoe  (Sussex),  the  last-named  being  somewhat 
inexactly  referred  to  by  Eudyard  Eipling  in  his  well- 
known  verses  on  Sussex — 

"  .  .  south  where  windy  Piddinghoe's 
Begilded  Dolphin  veers, 
And  blaek  beside  wide-banked  Ouse 
Lie  down  our  Sussex  steers." 

In  departing  from  the  normal  weathercock  a  vane  by 
its  form  sometimes  thus  alludes  to  man's  sport  as  at  the 
Porth  Hotel,  and  as  witnesses  the  not  uncommon  fox  in 
the  like  position  on  farm  buildings.  Occasionally  also  its 
form  is  suggested  by  man's  daily  work.  A  dainty  example 
of  this  latter  kind  is  found  at  the  hamlet  of  Maes-y-Llyn 
buried  away  in  a  deep  dingle  not  far  from  Llandyssul. 
Here  the  blacksmith  has  erected  a  diminutive  plough, 
carefully  modelled,  upon  the  roof  of  his  forge  to  do  duty 
for  a  vane  (Fig.  9).  There  are  scarcely  any  other  vanes 
of  noteworthy  design  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  a  discus- 
sion  of  the  curious  forms  of  vanes  in  general  would  take 
us  too  far  from  the  subject  of  this  article,  which  has  been 
written  to  draw  attention  to  some  outstanding  examples 
of  the  craft  of  workers  in  iron  who  have  only  in  recent 


i  28  Iron-work  in  thc   Teifi   Valley 


Fig.  7.     Gateway  to  Llanfair  Farm. 


Iron-work  in  the   Teifi   Valley.  129 


Fig.  8.     Vane  at  the  Porth  Hotel,  Llandyssul. 


Fig.  9.     Vane  at  smithy,  Maes-y-Llyn. 


1 30  [ron-work  in  the   Teifi   Valley. 

times  passed  away  from  a  district  whose  natural  beauties 
so  engross  the  traveller's  attention  that  he  is  apt  to  over- 
look  such  evidences  of  man's  handiwork  as  are  here  dealt 
with. 


%%t  ^mporíance  anb  QOa(ut  of  Bocaf 


THE  DOLGELLEY  PARISH  REGISTERS 
By  T.  P.  ELLIS,  M.A., 

Author  qf"  Welsh  Tribal  Law  in  the  Middle  Ages",  and  " Dolyelley 

and  Llanelltyd'' '. 


Preliminary  Note,  by  E.  Yincent  Eyans,  C.H. 


The  importance  and  the  value  of  Welsh  Local  Records 
have  not  as  yet  been  fully  recognised.  In  1899  a  Com- 
mittee  was  appointed  by  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury, 
with  instructions  to  enquire  as  to  the  existing  arrange- 
ments  for  the  collection  and  custody  of  Local  Records, 
with  the  then  Lord  Bishop  of  London  (Dr.  Creighton)  as 
Chairman.  Dr.  Creighton  died  in  1901,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded  in  the  Chairmanship  by  the  Right  Hon.  James 
Bryce,  D.C.L.  The  Committee  issued  a  Report  in  1902, 
and  in  regard  to  Parochial  Records  pointed  out  that  the 
most  important  of  such  records  included  the  Registers  of 
baptisms,  marriages  and  burials,  the  accounts  of  church- 
wardens,  and  overseers  of  the  poor,  rate  books,  minutes 
of  vestry  meetings,  title  deeds,  etc,  relating  to  land, 
tithe  maps  and  apportionments,  and  inclosure  awards. 

The  earliest  Churchwardens'  accounts  were  said  to  date 
from  the  llth  century,  and  were  of  very  great  interest 
as  throwing  light  on  the  fabrics  and  ornaments  of  parish 
churches,  as  well  as  on  the  social,  ecclesiastical,  and 
economical    conditions    of    the    parishes    to   which    they 


132    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

relate.  Parish  rate  books  were  useful,  as  sbowing  the 
occupations,  and  the  changes  in  character,  and  in  value  of 
property,  throughout  the  country.  Amongst  the  records 
of  some  parishes  there  are  ancient  conveyances  of  land, 
and  wills  relating  to  benefactions  to  the  Church,  to  the 
chantries  therein,  and  to  local  charities,  which  are  of 
considerable  value  for  historical  and  practical  purposes. 

The  Tithe  Maps,  which  under  the  Tithe  Act  of  1836 
were  to  be  deposited  with  the  incumbents  and  church  or 
chapel  wardens  of  the  parish,  or  such  other  fit  person  as 
might  be  approved,  were  considered  to  be  sources  of  wide 
information  in  regard  to  ancient  monuments,  field  and 
place  names,  and  local  history  generally.  The  Inclosure 
Awards  under  the  Inclosure  Act  of  1845,  copies  of  which 
were  to  be  deposited  with  the  Clerk  of  the  Peace,  and 
with  the  wardens  for  the  time  being,  were  of  equal  im- 
portance  for  purposes  of  research  and  information.  The 
Committee,  while  acknowledging  that  in  an  increasing 
number  of  cases  parish  records  were  preserved  with 
great  care,  pointed  out  that  there  was  no  general  or 
uniform  method  or  arrangement,  and  papers  which  threw 
considerable  light  011  the  history  of  a  locality  were  in 
constant  danger  of  being  lost  or  destroyed.  It  was 
admitted,  however,  that  within  recent  years  there  had 
been  a  growing  recognition  among  the  Clergy  of  the  im- 
portance  of  ancient  registers  and  other  documents,  and 
of  the  precautions  necessary  to  ensure  their  safety. 

In  1910  a  Royal  Commission  was  appointed  for  a 
similar  object,  but  of  somewhat  wider  import.  The  terms 
of  reference  directed  the  Commission  to  inquire  into  and 
to  report  011  the  State  of  the  Public  Records  and  Local 
Records  of  a  public  nature.  Sir  Frederick  Pollock,  Bart., 
was  appointed  Chairman,  and  Dr.  Hubert  Hall,  a  distin- 
guished  archivist  and  antiquarian,  was  appointed  Secretary. 


The  Importancc  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    133 

Wales,  it  may  be  said  in  passing,  was  fully  represented  on 
the  Commission.  In  regard  to  Parochial  Eecords  the  Com- 
mission  reported  (Vol.  iii ,  1919)  that  very  few  rural  parishes 
now  possess  complete  series  of  any  class  of  their  Civil 
Records.  This  they  said  was  due  not  so  much  to  recent 
neglect,  or  the  deficiencies  of  modern  legislation,  as  to  fre- 
quent  changes  of  custodians  and  the  obsolete  character  nf 
some  of  the  records  themseWes.  They  strongly  urged  the 
importance  of  each  separate  class  of  document,  as  most  if 
not  all  of  them  can  be  made  to  throw  light  upon  social  or 
economic  history,  and  many  of  them  are  of  great  value 
to  the  archa?ologist.  The  Report  states  that  Returns  made 
in  1831  enumerate  in  the  11,000  parishes  of  England  and 
Wales,  77'2  Registers  beginning  in  1538.  The  total  num- 
ber  of  such  Registers  extant  in  1909  was  656,  plus  some  16, 
containing  entries  of  an  earlier  date.  A  hundred  Registers 
of  this  class  have  thus  disappeared  in  80  years.  There 
have  been  three  principal  causes  of  loss,  accidents  (usually 
fires)  befalling  the  repositories  ;  continuous  neglect  on  the 
part  of  custodians  ;  and  failure  to  provide  for  the  safe 
transmission  of  records  when  benefices  changed  hands. 
Matters  have  improved  in  late  years — the  parochial  clergy 
are  as  a  rule  fully  alive  to  the  interest  and  importance  of 
these  documents — but  abuses  are  inseparable  from  the 
present  system.  The  removal  of  the  records  to  a  central 
repository  has  been  advocated,  but  against  this  suggestion 
the  forces  of  local  patriotism  are  strongly  arrayed  ;  from 
the  local  point  of  view,  to  deprive  a  parish  of  the  records 
of  the  past  is  to  inflict  upon  it  a  hardship.  What  can  and 
should  be  insisted  upon  is  a  periodical  inspection  of  all 
Registers,  with  penalties  for  neglect,  and  a  special  inspec- 
tion  at  the  time  of  every  change  in  the  incumbency  of  a 
parish.  Provision  through  ihe  Ecclesiastical  Commis- 
sioners,  or  from  some  other  source,  should  be  made  for 


134    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

the  proper  accommodation  and  repair  of  the  records,  when 
the  resources  of  the  parish  are  too  limited  to  provide  the 
necessary  expenditure.  What  is  here  said  of  the  custody 
of  the  Registers  applies  also  to  the  preservation  of  Church- 
wardens'  Accounts,  Overseers'  Accounts,  and  similar 
documents,  many  of  which  are  of  the  greatest  interest. 
The  Commissioners,  whose  words  we  have  largely  quoted, 
deplore  the  lack  of  detailed  information  from  Wales.  To 
some  extent  this  has  been  remedied  by  recent  enquiries, 
but  in  regard  to  the  past  the  Commission  came  to  the  con- 
clusion  that  by  the  year  1800  a  large  proportion  of  the 
16th  and  17th  century  records  was  already  missing,  and 
that  since  1837  others  have  gone  astray,  or  perished  from 
sheer  neglect.  This  they  add  is  all  the  more  to  be  regretted 
as,  apart  from  the  admitted  value  of  such  records  for  both 
national  and  local  history,  the  surviving  Welsh  county 
records  appear  to  possess  features  of  exceptional  interest, 
and  the  loss  of  those  of  an  earlier  date  must  be  regarded 
by  historical  students  as  a  profound  calamity.  To  those 
of  us  who  have  a  love  and  a  respect  for  local  traditions 
and  status  it  is  not  reassuring  to  be  told  that  the  general 
condition  of  our  Welsh  records  are  less  satisfactory  than 
that  which  obtains  in  England.  The  Commissioners  were 
not  aware  that  any  systematic  description  or  inventory  of 
parish  registers,  etc,  had  been  made  for  any  district  of 
Wales  as  has  been  done  in  Shropshire  and  some  other 
English  Counties.  In  this  connexion,  however,  it  is  only 
bare  justice  to  mention  the  very  excellent  work  done,  all 
but  single-handed,  by  Colonel  Sir  Joseph  Bradney,  C.B., 
D.Litt.,  in  his  transcripts  of  the  Registers  of  various 
Monmouthshire  Parishes,  and  his  Llandaff  Records,  and 
incidentally  of  course  in  his  great  History  of  Monmouth- 
shire.  What  can  be  done  by  local  investigation  will  be 
further  apparent  fi-om  the  very  interesting  summary  of 


T/ie  Importance  and  Ÿalue  of  Local  Records.    135 

the  contents  of  the  Dolgelley  Parish  Eegisters,  which 
follows  this  preliminary  note,  and  is  the  reason  why 
it  was  written.  The  summary  is  the  work  of  Mr. 
T.  P.  Ellis,  M.A.,  the  author  of  "  Welsh  Tribal  Law  and 
Custom  in  the  Middle  Ages,"  who  after  strenuous  judicial 
labours  in  India  has  retired,  and  has  taken  a  house  on  the 
estuary  of  the  Mawddach  near  to  Dolgelley,  and  employs 
his  leisure  time,  of  which  he  has  too  little  to  spare,  in 
examining  local  records,  and  in  writing  up  local.  history, 
of  which  he  has  given  us  a  delightful  example  in  his  little 
book  on  "  Dolgelley  and  Llanelltyd."  We  commend  this 
study  of  parochial  registers  to  our  readers  in  the  hope  that 
it  will  quicken  their  interest  in  what  is  left  of  the  records 
of  the  past,  and  induce  them  to  follow  the  excellent 
example  set  by  Sir  Joseph  Bradney  and  Mr.  T.  P.  Ellis. 


THE  DOLGELLEY  PAEISH  EEGISTEES. 
By  T.  P.  ELLIS,  M.A. 


I.    Introdüctory. 

An  important  class  of  documents  which  throw  light  upon 
the  social  and  economic  life  of  Wales,  particularly  in  the 
early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century,  is  that  of  the  Vestry 
and  other  Eegisters  of  certain  of  the  important  parish 
churches  of  the  country. 

This  source  of  information  has  hitherto  been  almost 
entirely  neglected  in  Wales  ;  and  the  following  article  is 
the  result  of  an  attempt  to  study  the  details  contained  in 
one  such  series,  that  of  the  Dolgelley  Parish  Church. 

The  Vestry  Eegister  begins  on  the  21st  April,  1795, 
and  the  last  entry  is  dated  llth  March,  1898,  when,  the 
old  Eegister  being  filled,  a  new  one  was  opened. 


136   Tlie  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

The  Vestry  Eegister  deals  with  many  subjects,  but  the 
most  important  is  the  administration  of  the  Poor  Law  by 
the  Vestry  during  the  years  1795  to  1837,  when  the  new 
Parochial  Amendment  Act  was  applied  to  Dolgelley,  and 
the  administration  of  the  Poor  Law  was,  thereafter,  trans- 
ferred  to  the  Board  of  Guardians  of  the  Dolgelley  Union. 
It  is,  therefore,  with  the  Poor  Law  Administration  of  the 
parish  that  the  first  section  of  this  article  is  concerned  ; 
and  it  is  necessary,  in  order  to  economise  space,  to  assume 
that  the  average  reader  has  some  knowledge  of  the  Poor 
Laws  of  the  period. 

II.    Poor  Law  Admintrtration. 
1.  Thc  Porish  and  its  Vestry. 

Dolgelley  parish  consisted  of  seven  'townships", 
Dolgelley,  Cefn'rowen,  Dyffrydan,  Dolgledr,  Brithdir 
Isaf,  Brithdir  Uchaf,  and  Garthgynfawr,  and  the  opera- 
tions  of  the  Vestry  were  limited  to  those  areas. 

When  the  Board  of  Guardians  came  into  existence  in 
1837,  it  was  a  Board  of  Guardians  for  a  Union,  comprising 
the  parishes  of  Dolgelley,  Llanf achreth ,  Llanelltyd,  Llan- 
aber,  Llanddwywe,  Llanenddwyn,  Llangelynin,  Llan- 
egryn,  Llanfihangel  y  Pennant,  Llanymawddwy,  Mallwyd 
and  Talyllyn. 

It  is  needful  to  bear  this  in  mind  in  any  comparisons 
that  anyone  may  be  tempted  to  make  in  considering  the 
administration  of  the  Poor  Law  before  and  after  1837. 

The  control  of  the  Poor  Law  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Parish  Vestry,  that  is  of  the  whole  body  of  parishioners. 
It  was  the  Vestry,  which  met  sometimes  in  the  Parish 
Church,  sometimes  in  the  Town  Hall,  and  to  which  every- 
one  had  access,  that  decided  who  was  deserving  of  relief , 
what  relief  should  be  given,  and  what  poor  rate  should  be 
levied.  But  though  the  Vestry  was  open  to  all  and  sundry, 


Tke  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    137 

as  a  matter  of  practise  it  was  attended,  except  on  very 
special  occasions,  by  very  few  people,  sometimes  as  few  as 
three  and  rarely  by  more  than  a  dozen.  Under  the  pre- 
text  of  being  "  popular  "  government,  it  was,  as  popular 
government  generally  is,  government  by  a  clique. 

The  Vestry  had  executive  officers  ;  churchwardens  for 
work  connected  with  the  Church,  an  overseer  or  overseers 
for  Poor  Law  work,  and  a  Yestry  clerk,  to  say  nothing  of 
fhe  Town  Crier. 

The  all  important  executive  offìcer  in  connection  with 
poor  relief  was  the  Overseer. 

In  Dolgelley,  with  only  one  intermission,  the  Overseer 
was  from  1795  to  1816  one  of  the  Churchwardens  named 
Thomas  Jones. 

There  is  an  amusing  reference  to  him  on  the  fly-leaf 
of  the  Vestry  Register,  where  his  name  is  inscribed  in 
large  letters  with  the  appellation  "  Hereticus  "  attached 
to  it,  which  suggests  that  he  possibly  found  refuge  in  the 
fold  of  Methodism. 

Thomas  Jones  was  entirely  illiterate  ;  he  was  unable  to 
write  even  his  own  name  ;  and  it  would  appear  that  such 
accounts  as  he  maintained  were  maintained  by  his  wife, 
who  was  also  the  local  midwife. 

He  was  the  sole  Overseer  from  1795  to  1801,  in  which 
year  (owing  to  the  exceptional  distress  of  the  time)  four 
Overseers  were  appointed.  From  1802  to  1810  he  was 
again  sole  Overseer,  and  in  that  year  the  Vestry  drew  üp 
a  list  of  '  competent  persons  in  every  township  '  from 
which  list  it  resolved  that  '  one  person  from  each  town- 
ship  list  should  be  appointed  for  a  year  to  act  as  Inspectors 
of  the  accounts  of  the  Assistant  Overseers,  hereinafter 
appointed  ",  such  accounts  to  be  opened  for  their  inspec- 
tion  every  first  Tnesday  in  the  month. 

Thomas  Jones  was  appointed  sole  Assistant  Overseer, 

L 


138    The  Importance  anci  Value  oj  Local  Records. 

and  he  continued  as  such,  being  variously  called  Overseer, 
Assistant  Overseer,  Acting  Overseer,  and  Managing  Over- 
seer,  until  he  died  in  1816. 

Inspectors  under  this  arrangement  were  appointed  for 
the  first  year  ;  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  second  list 
of  inspectors.  In  1810  there  appears  to  have  been  some 
doubt  as  to  the  Overseer's  capacity,  for,  in  appointing  him 
for  three  years,  the  appointment  was  made  subject  to  the 
provision  that  "  the  said  Inspectors  do  not  find  suffìcient 
cause,  in  the  course  of  the  first  year,  to  turn  him  out  of 
office.  In  such  case  his  appointment  to  expire  at  the  end 
of  one  year,  at  which  time  he  shall  be  at  liberty  to  resign, 
if  he  should  think  proper  ". 

Whatever  doubts  there  may  have  been  as  to  his 
capacity  were  allowed  to  subside  ;  and  we  have  the  extra- 
ordinary  fact  that  the  practical  administration  of  the  Poor 
Law  was  for  over  20  years  in  the  hands  of  an  entirely 
illiterate  person. 

During  his  term  of  office  he  was  paid  £25  per  annum 
until  1805,  when  his  salary  was  increased  to  £30. 

On  his  death  in  1816,  three  Overseers  were  appointed  ; 
and  they  were  allowed  £21  a  year  "  towards  the  trouble 
of  collecting  and  distributing  the  Poor  Eate  "  ;  and  they 
were  given  power  to  employ  the  widow  of  Thomas  Jones 
or  any  other  person  to  do  the  actual  work.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  they  appointed  the  widow  to  do  the  work,  and  hence- 
forth  she  was  in  sole  control  of  the  collection  of  the  poor 
rate  and  the  distribution  of  relief ,  as  ordered  by  the  Yestry 
clique,  bearing  the  title  of  Overseer,  until  1819.  In  1819 
her  son  was  associated  with  her  at  the  same  salary,  i.e., 
at  £21  per  annum.  She  remained  Overseer  until  1822, 
when,  having  re-married,  she  quarrelled  with  her  son  and 
was  dismissed.  Thus  the  27  years'  rule  of  an  illiterate 
person  and  a  midwife  came  to  an  end. 


The  Importance  and  Vahie  of  Local  Records.    139 

The  details  may  appear  of  no  importance  :  trat  as 
illuminatory  of  parochial  government  a  century  ago,  and 
as  explicatory  of  some  of  the  corruptiou  attendant  thereon, 
it  is  necessary  to  mention  the  facts. 

It  appears  that  in  1822  some  of  the  heaw  ratepayers 
demanded  a  scrutiny  of  the  Overseer's  accounts  for  the 
previous  six  years,  and  the  result  may  l)e  told  best  in  the 
resolutions  of  the  Vestry  :  — 

"  July  16,  1822: — '  It  having  been  found  necessary  tliat 
the  Accounts  of  the  Parish  should  be  exarained  for  sereral 
years  past.  it  has  been  discovered  that  there  have  been  great 
irregularity  practiced,   and  also  a   very  large  balance  appears 

to   be  due  to  it   from   E E ,    the  acting  Overseer,   as 

also  various  large  sums  remaining  unpaid,  It  is  ordered  that 

Mr.  H W ,  Solicitor,  be  employed  to  assist  the  Yestry 

how  to  proceed  with  regard  to  them  and  her,  and  to  take  such 
legal   advice  as  lie   may    think  necessary.     It  is  also  ordered 

that   E E be    prevented    receiving   any   more   money 

011  account  of  the  Parish,  and  not  in  any  way  interfere  with 
the  concerns  of  the  Parish  except  attending  as  Midwife.' 

"  Sept.  17,  1822. — '  The  opinion  with  regard  to  the  affairs 

of  E E and  the  Parish  having  arrived,   It  is  advised 

that  the  following  Persons  (8  in  number)  be  requested  to  con- 

sult  with  Mr.  H W what  further  steps  be  taken  con- 

cerning  it  and  other  affairs  of  the  Parish,  and  report  it  to  a 
general  Yestry  as  they  shall  see  proper.' 

"  Decr.  20,  1822.—'  It  was  also  ordered  that  E E 

be  called   upnn   by   Mr.   H W and  that   he  take   the 

most  summary  way  to  make  her  pay  the  balance  due  to  the 
Parish.'  " 

Whether  anything  was  ever  recovered  and  what  the 
amount  of  the  moneys  embezzled  was,  is  not  stated. 

That  this  state  of  affairs  was  common  elsewhere  is 
probable,  for  in  1819  an  Act  was  passed  to  allow  the  house- 
holders  and  occupiers  to  appoint  a  Select  Vestry  for  the 
administration  of  the  Poor  Law,  in  hopes  of  securing  a 
more  rational  management. 

Following  on  the  dismissal  of  the  fraudulent  Overseer, 
such  a  Select  Vestry  of  19  was  elected  by  the  Yestry  at 

l  2 


140    The  Importance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records. 

Dolgelley  in  July,  1822,  and  new  Overseers  appointed  for 
six  months  at  £10  lOs.  Another  Select  Yestry  was  ap- 
pointed  on  December  20th,  bnt  for  some  reason  or  other 
it  ceased  to  function  after  April,  1823,  when  the  General 
Yestry  again  assumed  control  and  stuck  to  it.  The  latter 
in  April,  1823,  appointed  a  new  Assistant  Overseer  on  £24 
per  annum,  raised  the  following  year  to  £30,  and  in  1826 
to  £40,  reduced  in  1827  to  £36,  at  which  rate  it  remained 
constant  until  the  Board  of  Guardians  was  set  up. 

During  ihe  period  1822  to  1837  the  accounts  appear  to 
have  been  properly  kept,  and  no  further  case  of  misappro- 
priation  occurred. 

The  Yestry  Clerk,  whose  dnties  were  ]>nrelv  secretarial, 
was  paid  £2  2s.  per  anniira  from  1801  to  1818,  £3  3s.  per 
annum  from  1818  to  1823,  £5  in  1823,  £2  from  1824  to 
1827,  and  £4  from  1827  to  1856,  when  his  remuneration 
was  again  raised  to  £5  per  annum.  The  Town  Crier  re- 
ceived  2s.  6d.  in  1796,  a  remuneration  which  was  increased 
in  1833  to  lOs. 

So  far  we  have  been  dealing  with  the  executive  offìcials 
of  the  Yestry.  Was  it  possible  in  the  period  to  have  secured 
a  better  quality?  Apparently  yes,  for  it  is  quite  clear  thal 
literacy  was  fairly  high  in  the  locality  (this  is  obvious  froni 
the  signatures  appearing  from  time  to  time),  and  that  there 
were  men  of  ability  in  the  locality.  But,  nevertheless,  the 
control  of  matters  wTas  largely  with  the  illiterate  or  the 
corrupt.  Save  the  curate,  and  later  on  the  Bector — and  he 
only  occasionally — it  was  rare  that  men  of  position  and 
ability  took  part  in  the  ordinary  administration  of  the 
Vestry. 

The  reason,  no  doubt,  was  that  common  sin  of  "\Yelsh 
small  town  life,  jealousy  of  ability  and  knowledge  on  the 
one  hand  and  disinclination  on  the  other  to  come  into  the 
market  place  and  compete  with  the  "  ring  ".    It  is  only. 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    141 

therefore,  on  occasions  of  stress  that  we  find  men  of 
standing  appearing  at  the  Yestry.  Whenever  any  matter 
of  importance  is  mooted,  whenever  a  mess  has  to  be 
straightened  out,  then  the  man  of  knowledge  is  brought 
in,  to  be  discarded  as  soon  as  the  crisis  is  over. 

Such,  without  entering  into  details,  is  the  story  of  the 
Dolgelley  Yestry,  the  ordinary  meetings  of  which,  dealing 
with  the  Poor  Law  administration,  remained  to  the  end 
mainly  meetings  of  the  uneducated  or  those  with  axes  to 
grind. 

2.  Thc  Burden  of  Rates. 

We  may  turn  now  to  a  review  of  the  total  burdens 
imposed  by  the  Poor  Law  upon  the  neighbourhood. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Yestry  Registers 

do  not  contain  accounts.     These  were  kept,  if  kept  at  all, 

separately,  and  are  no  longer  in  existence.     So  far  as  the 

total  burdens  are  concerned,  we  have  nothing  to  go  upon 

save  the  rate  per  £  sanctioned  by  the  Yestry  from  time 

to  time.     We  have  not  even  the  assessment  value  of  the 

parish  given  us,  and  that  assessment  value  varied  from 

time  to  time.   This  variation  will  be  dealt  with  later.   We 

are,  however,  not  without  assistance  in  arriving  at  an  ap- 

proximate  estiniate  of  the  total  annual  burden  of  the  rates, 

for  in  March,  1837,  at  the  very  end  of  the  period,  the 

Register  contains  the  following  : — 

"That  a  rate  sufficient  to  raise  £264/14/4,  the  estimate  now 
produced  (that  is  for  a  quarter's  relief),  be  allowed," 

and  a  rate  of  2s.  3d.  in  the  £  was  accordingly  voted.     In 

the  same  year  we  find  a  Church  rate  of  ls.  in  the  £  esti- 

mated  to  produce  £117. 

This  was  011  the  rateable  value  arrived  at  in  1831,  so 

it  can  be  asserted  that,  from  1831  on,  rates  of  2s.  3d.  and 

ls.  were  roughly  equivalent  to  a  yield  of  £264  14s.  4d.  and 

£117  respectively,  or  in  other  words  that  a  penny  rate 


14-    T/ie  împortance  and  Ÿalue  of  Local  Rccords. 

yielded  £10.  Up  to  1831  a  penny  rate  obviously  produced 
less,  for  the  property  assessed  was  more  limited,  and,  so 
far  as  can  be  judged,  up  to  that  date  a  penny  rate  yielded 
a  rough  average  of  £7  lOs. 

On  this  basis,  as  the  Register  gives  the  quarterly  rate 
practically  without  omission  from  1705  to  1837,  we  can 
arrive  at  an  approximate  estimate  of  the  levy  for  poor 
relief. 

Columns  4  and  5  of  Appendix  I.  give  the  figures  (a)  of 
the  annual  rates  levied,  and  (b)  the  estimated  annual  yield. 

It  will  be  observed  that  there  were  six  "  quarterly  ' 
rates  levied  in  1801   (a  year  of  great  distress  throughout 
the  country),  and  five  in  182(3,  that  the  period  of  greatest 
prosperity  was  from  1803  to  1811,  after  which  there  was, 
with  occasional  fluctuations,  a  progressive  increase. 

The  poor-rate  levy  was,  however,  not  the  only  source 
available  for  the  relief  of  the  poor. 

Leaving  apart  for  the  time  being  special  levies  for 
other  purposes  than  poor  relief .  we  find  the  Yestry  at  times 
borrowing  money.  In  1801  £100  was  raised  on  interest  ; 
in  1817  various  sums  from  different  people  totalling  .£171  ; 
in  1826  £50  from  the  Bank,  nominally  for  two  months, 
but  even  seven  years  later  the  major  portion  was  still 
unpaid,  for  in  1833  we  find  a  resolution  that  "  the  Over- 

seers  do  go  and  humbly  solicit  Messrs.  J &  W , 

bankers,  to  wait  until  the  Summer  Quarter  for  the  pay- 
ment  of  £40  due  from  the  Parish  ". 

Occasionally  also  we  find  mention  of  charitable  gifts. 
ln  1790  £5,  under  the  will  of  Mrs.  Catherine  Meyrick, 
was  distributed  among  160  of  the  poor,  and  we  have  refer- 
ences  now  and  again  to  a  still  existing  charity  known  as 
the  Faenol  Charity. 

This  was  a  beqüesi  by  one  William  Jolm  Evans  of  a 
iaiin  in  Towyn,  the  income  from  which  was  to  be  devoted 


T/ie  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    143 

to  the  purchase  of  32  penny  loaves  to  be  distributed  in  the 
Churchyard  every  Sunday.  This  bequest  was  under  the 
control  of  the  Eector  and  churchwardens,  not  the  Vestry, 
and  so  the  references  to  it  in  the  Eegister  are  few.  In 
1796  the  income  of  £23  4s.  6d.  was  paid  out  in  relief  to 
22  people  ;  in  1797  £9  19s.  6d.  to  10  ;  but  thereafter  there 
is  no  mention  of  it  until  1857,  when  it  appears  that  the 
rental  of  the  farm  had,  up  till  then,  been  £21  a  year. 

Another  charity  comprised  the  bequests  of  John  David 
and  Ursula  Owen,  bequests  in  1827  of  £84,  the  interest  of 
which  was  to  be  distributed  in  white  bread  every  Sunday 
to  the  poor.  This  was  invested  at  3J  per  cent.  in  the 
Eector's  name,  as  trustee,  in  a  mortgage  on  the  tolls  of 
the  Dolgelley  Turnpike  Trust. 

Yet  another  was  the  David  Jones  bequest  of  £20,  the 

interest  of  which  was  to  be  distributed  at  Christmas  by 

'  the  heirs  of  Brynrhug  and  the  Overseers  of  the  Parish  ". 

In  1832  we  have  the  solitary  mention  of  an  income  of 
£30  from  the  rent  of  the  Green,  "  the  overplus  for  the 
use  of  the  Township  of  Dolgelley  ' '  paid  into  the  Vestry 
accounts  ;  but,  as  under  the  Enclosures  Act  of  1811  the 
town  became  entitled  to  this  income,  and  still  enjoys  it, 
it  is  certain  that  the  Vestry  had  all  along  had  some  addi- 
tional  sum  from  this  source  at  its  command. 

3.  Tìic  Application  oj  the  Rates. 

How  was  this  money,  derived  from  rates  and  other 
sources ,  employed  ? 

Primarily,  of  course,  in  poor  relief  ;  and  the  mode  of 
its  distribution  is  apparent  from  the  Eegister  ;  but  here, 
as  in  the  case  of  "  total  annual  burdens  ",  the  Eegister 
is  not  an  account  book.  All  it  shows  is  the  amount  of 
'  new  "  expenditure  sanctioned  in  any  one  year.  There 
is  no  list  anywhere  of  the  total  number  of  paupers  on  the 


144   ^lc  Iwportance  and  Ÿalue  of  Local  Records. 

books  in  any  year,  merely  a  record  of  orders  passed  on 
individual  cases  as  they  arose. 

The  total  nuniber  of  "  new  "  cases  dealt  with  and  the 
t-otal  of  the  "  new  "  expenditure  sanctioned  each  year  are 
given  in  columns  2  and  3  of  Appendix  I.  The  proportion 
between  "  new  expenditure  "  (column  3)  and  "  estimated 
total  annual  burden  "  (column  5)  varies  considerably  ;  luit 
tlhs  is  explained  to  a  large  extent  by  the  fact  (a)  that  ex- 
penditure  includes  items  besides  poor  relief,  and  by  the 
faet  (b)  that  there  was  a  permanent  list  of  recipients  .of 
relief  which  does  not  appear  in  the  Register. 

Nevertheless,  the  Register  gives  us  indications  of  the 
size  of  the  "  permanent  '  list.  It  states,  occasionally, 
that  the  list  of  those  in  receipt  of  weekly  reliefs  (not 
settlements,  casual  reliefs,  etc.)  has  been  checked  with  a 
view  to  alteration  where  possible.  Some  adjustments  were 
made — increase  or  decrease  in  allowances — and  in  such 
adjustments  the  list  number  of  the  pauper  so  dealt 
with  is  quoted.  In  1828,  when  there  were  only  37  "  new  ' 
recipients,  there  were  at  least  194  paupers  on  the  perma- 
nent  list  ;  in  1831  as  against  72  "  new  "  reliefs  we  find 
198  "  permanent  "  ones  ;  in  1833  the  figures  are  '21  and 
178,  so  it  is  clear  that  there  was  a  constant  population  of 
at  least  150  in  receipt  of  weeldy  doles  over  and  above  the 
new  accretions  made  annually.- 

A  "  new  relief  "  might  mean  a  permanent  addition  ; 
it  niight  be  a  relief  for  a  term  ;  but  its  continuance  or 
discontinuance,  whether  by  death,  change  of  circum- 
stances,  or  other  cause,  is  not  noted. 

Appendix   II   gives   details  of     '  new   expenditure  ", 
showing  roughly  the  classes  under  which  the  expenditure 
fell.     The  four  principal  forms  of  relief  were  "  weeldy 
doles  ",  "  settlements  ",      casual  reliefs  ",  and  "  rents  ' 
Uliese  are  niy  own  terms),  and  the  figures  vary  consider- 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    145 

ably  under  each  head.  Much  depended  on  the  idiosyncracy 
for  the  time  being  of  the  Yestry,  and  so  we  find  a  run  at 
one  time  on  "  \veekly  doles  ",  at  another  on  '  settle- 
nients  "  and  so  on  ;  and  sometimes  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine  whether  a  particular  relief  is  by  way  of  weekly  dole 
or  settlement.  A  small  margin  for  error  in  classification 
must,  therefore,  be  allowed  for,  but  the  totals  of  recipients 
and  expenditure  are  accurate. 

The  figures  in  columns  2  and  3  of  Appendix  11  require 
little  elucidation.  In  some  cases  the  lowest  rate  is  an 
addition  to  an  existing  allowance  ;  but  the  highest  figure 
does  give  some  indication  of  what  was  the  minimum  sum 
on  which  people  could  live  in  the  period.  Naturally  the 
rate  varied  ;  but  011  a  rough  average  it  would  appear  that 
it  was  possible  for  a  single  person  to  exist  on  4s.  to  4s.  6d. 
per  week  throughout  the  period. 

The  figures  for  settlements  also  vary  considerably  ;  but 
the  amount  paid  for  a  settlement  depended  on  the  utility 
of  the  person  "  sett  "  to  the  person  with  whom  "  sett  ", 
and  on  the  power  of  bargaining. 

What  happened  was  that  a  list  of  '  paupers  "  to  be 
'  sett  '  (or  as  the  Register,  with  unconscious  humour, 
occasionally  reads,  "  lett  ")  was  prepared,  and  the  Vestry 
then  bargained  with  people  ready  to  take  over  charge  of 
the  individual  paupers.  Argument  was  obviously  lengthy 
at  tiines,  and  sometimes  it  took  several  meetings  of  the 
Yestry  before  the  list  was  got  through. 

An  amusing  entry  in  1831  illustrates  the  procedure  : 
'  This  Yestry  do  give  leave  that  f'ew  of  the  parishioners 

do  meet  this  day  to  try  to  bargain  with  R J with 

respect  to  J ,  the  son  of  J —    -  J ,  mariner  ". 

It  is  unfortunate  that,  except  on  rare  occasions,  we 
derive  no  information,  save  as  to  sex,  about  the  paupers 
settled  ;  but  it  appears  that  able-bodied  men  and  women, 


146   The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

old  and  infimi,  and  children  were  all  dealt  with  by  this 
method,  and  that  "  paupers  "  were  "  sett  "  for  varying 
periods  of  one  to  five  years. 

It  is  in  these  "  settlements  "  that  we  have  illustra- 
tions  of  some  of  the  scandals  and  demoralizing  effects  of 
the  Pöor  Law  administration  of  the  time.  These  results 
were  common  everywhere,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  refer 
to  observations  of  writers  of  the  period  on  the  matter. 

Perhaps  the  worst  feature  of  the  Poor  Law  system, 
before  its  reform,  was  that  able-bodied  persons,  perfectly 
well  able  to  support  their  dependants,  threw  the  latter  on 
to  the  parish.  There  are  numerous  instances  in  the  Eegis- 
ter  where  men  and  women  received  doles  for  the  mainten- 
ance  of  their  wives  and  husbands,  fathers  and  mothers, 
brothers  and  sisters,  and  even  of  their  own  children  ;  there 
are  instances  where  people  refused  to  accept  relatives  on 
the  terms  offered  by  the  Yestry,  and  the  latter  were  then 
>l  sett  "  to  complete  strangers. 

Writers  of  the  time  complain  bitterly  of  the  eft'ect 
upon  morals,  and  assert  that  people  were  actually  paid  by 
the  parish  to  maintain  their  own  illegitimate  children. 
There  are  only  two  such  instances  in  the  Dolgelley  Eegis- 
ter  ;  and,  it  may  be  noted,  passim,  that  the  amount  of 
bastardy  in  the  locality  at  the  time,  as  indicated  by  the 
Birth  Eegisters,  was  less  marked  than  it  is  to-day. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  find  the  Vestry  insisting  on  four 
occasions  on  the  father  of  the  child  paying  the  parish  for 
its  maintenance.     In  1810  we  have  the  entry  : — 

"  Ordered  that  Mr.  H W be  directed  to  take  the 

necessary  steps  to  recover  the  Money  due  from  J.  W.  P , 

Esquire,  for  the  maintenance  of  his  Bastard  Cliild  by  A 

L ." 

In  1812,  "  Agreed  with  O—    -  W to  accept  £14/-  (to 

be  paid  in  one  month  from  this  day)  in  discharge  of  any  claim 

that  tnay  be  made  011  his  brother,  AV—  O .  for  the  main- 

tenance  of  his  bastard  child  by  E G ." 


The  Importance  and  Valuc  of  Local  Rccords.    147 

In  1826,   "  Ordered  that  the  Overseer  do  write  to  T 

H for  the  payment  of  £8/-  towards  his  bastard  child." 

1 1 1  1833,  "  That  the  Overseers  do  agree  with  "W L ■ 

with   respect  to   his   natural    son   for  the   sum   of  £20/-." 

Contrary,  therefore,  to  the  general  denunciations  of 
the  time,  and  even  to  popular  impressions  of  to-day,  the 
Vestry  and  Birth  Registers  give  no  indication  that  the 
Poor  Law  system  made  for  sexual  immorality  in  this 
neighbourhood . 

A  more  prominent  scandal  in  regard  to  "  settlements  ' 
is  the  fact  that  there  appear  to  have  been  professional 
farmers  of  paupers,  including  some  of  the  overseers, 
churchwardens,  farmers  and  tradesmen  of  the  locality. 
They  did  not,  by  any  means,  stand  alone,  for  we  fìnd  some 
of  the  principal  landowners  accepting  able-bodied  men 
and  women  set  to  them  for  lump  sums,  and  even  the 
Rector  himself,  in  1819  and  1820,  was  not  averse  from 
benefiting  at  the  expense  of  the  rates  in  this  way.  What 
it  meant  in  practice  was  that  pauper  men  and  women  were 
fed,  housed,  and  clothed  by  those  they  were  set  to  in 
return  for  a  lump  sum  and  services.  An  undertaking  to 
pay  any  wages  to  a  pauper  ' '  sett  '  occurs  in  only  one 
instance  in  the  course  of  42  years. 

The  distribution  of  casual  reliefs  calls  for  no  remark  ; 
but  it  was  clearly  not  a  popular  method  until  towards  the 
end  of  the  period. 

The  payments  of  paupers'  rents  was  everywhere  a 
terrible  scandal.  What  often  happened  elsewhere  was 
that  landowners  demolished  many  cottages,  depopulating 
rural  areas  in  consequence,  in  order  to  prevent  strangers 
ácquiring  a  "  settlement  "  in  their  parishes  and  becoming 
chargeable  thereto.  With  the  shortage  of  houses  created 
artificially,  owners  of  remaining  houses  were  able  to  de- 
mand  higher  rents,  and  as  the  parish  had  to  house  its  own 
paupers,  it  had  to  pay  heavy  toll  in  the  way  of  rents  to 


148    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

house  owners  for  such  accommodation  as  was  avail- 
able. 

With  the  exception,  however,  of  une  case,  where  a 
landowner  was  in  1830  paid  £2  to  put  his  own  cottage  into 
repair,  this  operated  only  to  a  very  limited  extent  in 
Dolgelley,  for  the  Sir  Robert  Yaughan  of  the  time  and 
on  a  smaller  scale,  Mr.  Hugh  Reveley  were  public  spirited 
and  built  fairly  extensively  in  the  early  part  of  the  cen- 
tury.  Practically  nothing  has  been  done  since  their  days 
to  provide  cottage  accommodation.  Their  efforts  are 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  Parish  paid  but  few  rents 
i'roni  1803  to  1836  and  by  the  fact  that  rents  did  not  soar 
throughout  the  period.  The  minimum  and  maximuni 
rents  of  1795  (7s.  to  32s.  per  annum)  were  maintained 
right  up  to  1836  (7s.  to  20s.  per  annum)  with  little  varia- 
tion.  The  one  apparent  exception  is  the  £7  lOs.  of  1796, 
but  this  was  a  special  case  where  the  rent  of  a  farm  occu- 
pied  by  a  parishioner  was  paid  to  Sir  Robert  Yaughan  by 
the  Yestry. 

It  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  misdemeanours  of 
the  midwife  Overseer  that  she  had  not  paid  rents,  which 
she  had  been  ordered  to  pay,  for  in  1822  we  have  the 
following  entry  :  — 

"  It  having  appeared  to  the  Vestry  that  the  half-year's 
rent  due  from  Xovr  12th  1821  to  May  1822  ought  in  justice 
to  he  paid  where  it  is  fairly  due,  ordered  that  a  rate  of  1/- 
in  the  £  he  eollected  for  that  purpose  in  the  next  Quarter,  and 
that  the  Overseers  do  now  pay  rent  due  to  May  last,  and  in 
the  next  quarter  that  due  to  November  last." 

The  "  miscellaneous  "  reliefs,  afforded  niainly  in  kinds 
are  very  heterogeneous,  and  occasionally  of  value  as  show- 
ing  prices,  and  as  illustrative  of  customs  and  manners. 

Sometimes  urgent  cases  were  relieved  by  a  "  gather- 
ing  "  or  a  "  collection  in  Church  ".  Such  occurred  in 
1790,  1796,  1799, 1801, 1802, 1806,  1809, 1810,  1812,  1813, 


The  Importance  and  Value  of Local  Records.    149 

1816,  1817,  1819,  1834  and  1836,  and  at  times  we  get 
indications  of  how  much  a  "  collection  "  was  expeeted  to 
produce,  the  lowest  estimate  being  8s.  and  the  highest  £2. 

Eates  and  taxes  due  by  particular  paupers  were  re- 
mitted  in  1795.  1813.  1816,  1818,  1830,  1833  and  1836. 

Clothing,  generally  of  flannel,  was  given  in  1795, 
1799, 1800, 1801, 1806. 1810,  1811,  1816, 1824, 1826, 1827, 
1828  (when  we  learn  that  a  man  could  be  fully  clothed  for 
15s.),  1829,  1831,  1835  (when  it  is  stated  that  a  child  could 
be  clothed  for  5s.),  and  1836. 

Shoes  were  distributed  in  1796,  1797.  1799,  1801,  L802, 
1806,  1812,  1816,  1818  (when  5s.  was  paid  for  a  pair), 
1822,  1823  (at  the  same  price  as  in  1818),  1824,  1825, 
1826,  1827,  1828  (when  they  cosl  9s.  6d.  per  pair),  1829, 
1830,  1831,  1832,  L834,  1835.  and  1836  ;  and  it  is  interest- 
ing  to  note  that  "  clogs  ",  which  were  given  in  1800,  1801, 
cease  to  be  mentioned  thereafter. 

Flour  and  grain  were  given  in  varying  quantities  :  rye 
in  1795  (when  a  quarter  was  valued  at  2s.  2d.),  1796, 
1800  (when  the  "  strike  "  measnre  is  quoted),  and  1830  : 
barìey  at  17s.  6d.  the  measure  in  1801  ;  oatmeal  in  18:50  ; 
wheat  in  1822  and  1836  ;  and  white  loaves  in  1796. 

The  commonest  form  of  produce  gifts  was,  however, 
potatoes,  which  were  given  partly  for  planting  purposes, 
partly  as  food  relief.  Potatoes  were  first  distributed  in 
1818,  and  thereafter  in  1820,  1824,  1826.  1827,  1828,  1829, 
1830,  1831,  1834  and  1836. 

Seed  grain  is  mentioned  only  on  one  occasion,  namely 
in  1832. 

Firing  in  the  way  of  turf  (from  one  to  six  loads  at  a 
time)  was  provided  in  1797,  1800,  1801,  1810,  1828,  1830 
and  1836  (when  a  load  cost  6s.  6d.)  :  and  a  ton  of  coal  on 
one  occasion  only  in  1833. 

Assistance  in  the  way  of  material  and  implements  for 


150   The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

trades  and  handicrafts  is  frequent,  and  illustrates,  to  some 
extent,  the  pursuits  of  the  people. 

We  fincì  ' cards  '  for  weaving  given  in  1800,  1801, 
180-2,  1829,  1833,  1834  and  1836  (when  they  cost  5s.  9d.)  ; 

in  1822,  E T-     -  was  allowed  £  1  12s.  "  towards  buy- 

ing  a  spring  etc,  for  weaving  "  ;  in  1829  one  man  was 
given  30s.  to  buy  a  loom,  and  another  30s.  for  a  "  spring 
and  slmttle  "  ;  in  1831  30s.  was  expended  in  purchasing  a 
spinning  jenny  ;  and  in  1834  8s.  was  paid  to  a  pauper  to 
buy  cotton  yarn.  In  1829  the  Overseers  were  directed  to 
buy  a  loom  which  was  to  belong  to  the  parish,  and  let  out 
as  occasion  required  to  paupers.  This  was  a  repetition  of 
a  similar  orcler  of  1822  to  the  effect  that  "  the  Overseers 
do  buy  a  loom  or  two  for  the  use  of  the  parish,  and  to  lend 
them  to  paupers  occasionally  ".  In  1801  a  smith  was 
allowed  £2  12s.  6d.  to  buy  a  new  anvil,  and  2s.  6d.  were 
given  to  a  shearer  to  '  mend  his  shears  ".  In  1802  a 
pedlar  was  granted  30s.  to  buy  "  pedlery  (sic)  ware  "  ;  in 

1804  G E was  given  £6  "  towards  a  share  of  a 

boat  "  ;  in  1812  the  local  harper,  a  blind  man,  was  given 
a  new  harp.  Something  went  wrong  with  it,  for  next  year 
he  received  £3  towards  buying  another,  but  it  was  pro- 
vided  this  time  that  ' '  the  harp  do  belong  to  the  parish 
until  it's  paid  ".  He  was  also  provided  with  5s.  a  week 
'*  until  he  can  get  a  place  to  play  in  ". 

In  1821  a  worker  in  leather  was  given  £5  worth  of 
leather,  and  in  1830  there  is  an  entry  of  8s.  2d.  given  to 
buy  ' '  short  nets  ' ' . 

Medical  relief  is  also  referred  to.  In  1797  a  "  doctor's 
bill  at  Barmouth  "  is  discharged,  the  patient  having  been 
in  Barmouth  for  a  fortnight  in  the  preceding  year  at  a  cost 
to  the  parish  of  3s.  6d.  a  week  for  food  and  lodging.  In 
1802  a  medical  bill  of  19s.  is  paid  ;  in  1810  it  is  ordered 
that  "  Mr.  D O ,  surgeon,  be  directed  to  adminis- 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    1 5 1 

ter  medical  assistance  to  J-     -  0 for  about  5s.  a  \veek 

for  a  month  or  thereabouts  "  ;  in  1816  a  doctor  was  paid 
an  unspecified  amount ;  in  1823  another  doctor's  bill  of 
£1  ls.  was  met  ;  in  1826  another  of  8s.  ;  in  1830  one  of 
30s.,  plus  15s.  to  a  nurse  ;  in  1833  another  of  unspecified 
amount,  while  in  1836  2s.  6d.  were  paid  for  leeches. 

Tn  1831  there  was  a  dispute  with  a  Bala  doctor  over 
his  charges,  and  the  Overseers  were  directed   "  to  go  to 

Bala  on  a  market  day,  and  tender  Dr.  W the  sum  of 

£5  to  discharge  his  demand  against  this  parish  ". 

For  a  while  the  parish  appears  to  have  tried  the  ex- 
pedient  of  having  a   "  parish  doctor",  for  in  1825  it  is 

ordered  tliat  "  Mr.  E 's  surgeon  salary  f'or  the  present 

year  be  £16,  contingeneies  as  before  "  ;  and  in  1826  that 

'  Mr.  E surgeon  be  continued  to  act  as  Surgeon  &c 

to  the  Parish  for  this  year  with  the  same  salary  as  last 
year". 

Associated  with  medical  relief  are  two  items  in  1826. 
a  blind  man  being  sent  that  year  to  the  School  for  Indi- 
gent  Blind  at  Liverpool  "  to  learn  a  trade  ",  the  parish 
paying  *_'•">  4s.  per  annmn  and  supplying  him  with  clothes  ; 
and  a  lunatic  being  placed  in  the  Liverpool  Lunatic 
Asylum.  [nsanity,  it  may  be  noted,  was  rare  ;  there  are 
only  two  other  cases  mentioned  in  a  hundred  years. 

Funeral  expenses  were  also  paid.  The  only  specific 
instance,  however,  of  a  non-pauper's  funeral  recorded  is 
in  1836,  when  14s.  were  expended  on  a  child's  funeral  ; 
but  we  have  a  series  of  references  to  contracts  made  with 
local  carpenters  to  supply  coffins,  etc.  In  1812  lls.  6d. 
was  allowed  per  coffin  ;  in  1816  the  rate  was  reduced  to 
10s.,  a  rate  which  continued  to  be  paid  until  1834.  when 
the  price  was  reduced  to  7s.  6d.,  and  in  the  case  of  "  coffins 
for  unbaptized  children  "  to  ls.,  an  entry  which  conjures 
up  rather  a  gruesome  picture.     In  1829  parish  shronds 


152    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

were  contracted  for  at  3s.  Gd.  each,  and  candles  at  4d.,  an 
interesting  reference  to  a  now  extinct  custom. 

Another  activity  of  the  Vestry  on  its  Poor  Law  side 
was  the  apprenticing  of  children,  an  activity  indulged  in 
only  spasmodically. 

In  1795  a  boy  was  apprenticed  to  a  tailor  for  two  years 
with  a  premium  of  £3  12s.  6d.,  and,  under  a  specific  be- 
quest  for  the  apprenticing  of  "  poor  boys",  three  were 
apprenticed  to  unstated  trades  with  premia  of  £3  12s.  6d., 
£2  10s.,  and  £2.  Tn  1796  four  boys  were  apprenticed,  one 
to  a  tailor  for  four  years  with  a  premium  of  £3  10s.,  one 
to  a  shoemaker  for  two  years,  premium  £2  5s.,  two  for 
five  and  three  years  respectively  (trade  not  stated)  with 
premia  of  30s.  For  many  years  thereafter  there  were 
no  apprenticings.  Tn  1810  a  boy  was  apprenticed  as  a 
"  nailer  "  for  30s.  ;  in  1818  another  as  a  tailor  for  two 
years  with  a  premium  of  25s.  ;  in  1819  one  to  a  "  straw 
hat  manufacturer  "  without  premium,  and  a  second  to  a 
shoemaker,  who,  in  lieu  of  a  premium,  was  paid  ls.  a 
week. 

Thereafter  "  premia  "  rose  rapidly.  Tn  1822  £6  were 
paid  for  apprenticing  a  boy  to  a  tailor  for  two  years  ;  in 
1823,  £7  lOs.  and  a  pair  of  shoes  and  £7  3s.  for  two  boys 
in  the  same  trade  for  three  years  ;  in  1821  one  boy  was 
apprenticed  for  three  years  to  a  tailor  at  £7,  one  to  a  shoe- 
maker  for  four  years  at  £7  10s.,  one  to  a  weaver  for  ten 
months  at  £2  5s.,  and  another  to  a  shoemaker  for  two 
years  with  ls.  6d.  per  week  "  towards  his  victuals,  and  the 
last  year  to  be  paid  for  his  work  by  his  master  ".  In  1826 
three  boys  were  apprenticed  for  three  years  each  to  tailors 
with  premia  of  £7,  £7,  and  £4  respectively,  and  in  1827 
one  to  a  shoemaker  for  fchree  years  at  £10  and  two  pairs 
of  shoes. 

Tn  1829  it  was  decreed  "  that  the  Yestry  do  not  appren- 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    1 5 


tice  a  lad  to  any  trade  whatever  until  he  appears  before 
the  Vestry  that  every  possible  encouragement  may  be  given 
to  bring  up  lads  as  farmers  ".  The  last  apprenticeship 
paid  for  out  of  the  rates  was  in  1831,  when  a  boy  was  ap- 
prenticed  for  five  years  to  a  blacksmith  at  £8,  plus  £5  for 
clothing,  the  boy  ' '  to  receive  a  shilling  a  week  from  his 
employer  in  the  last  year  ". 

In  the  meantime  a  bequest  of  £10  made  in  1827  by  one 
Humphrey  Jones  was  increased  to  £100  out  of  the  rates 
and  invested  as  a  permanent  '  apprenticeship  fund  ' ' , 
yielding  £3  per  annum,  two  years'  income  being  applied 
biennially  to  apprentice  sometimes  two  children  at  £3 
each,  sometimes  one  child  at  £6,  the  trades  selected  being 
shoemalnng,  tailoring,  sldnning,  weaving,  joinery,  slating, 
cabinet-making  and  wheelwrighting,  and  two  girls  to 
"  learn  sewing  for  two  years  ".  To-day  it  is  practically 
impossible  to  find  a  single  person  in  the  neighbourhood 
with  even  an  elementary  knowledge  of  any  of  these  men's 
trades.  This  is  due  entirely  to  the  decay  of  apprentice- 
ships. 

This  apprenticing  continued  up  to  1861,  when,  for 
some  reason  not  apparent,  the  administration  of  the  fund 
ceased. 

The  fund  was  misused  in  some  cases,  for  no  less  than 
seven  boys  were  from  time  to  time  apprenticed  with 
premia  to  their  own  fathers,  and  one  of  the  "  poor  boys  ' 
benefiting  under  the  charity  was  the  son  of  a  very  well- 
to-do  tradesman,  needless  to  say  a  prominent  figure  in  the 
Vestry. 

An   interesting   form    of     '  assistance  '     was   that   of 

emigration  abroad.    In  1823  O G was  allowed  £3 

'  towards  enabling  his  sister  to  go  to  America,  a  note  of 
hand  being  deposited  in  the  hands  of  the  Overseer  for  £5, 
in  addition  to  the  £3  allowed  by  the  Parish  ",  from  which 

M 


154   The  Importance  and  Vahie  of  Local  Records. 

it  may  be  inferred  that  £8  sumced  to  travel  as  an  emigrant 
from  Dolgelley  to  the  States. 

In  1824  it  was  agreed  that  ' '  the  Vestry  do  consent 

allowing  M.  W some  assistance  towards  enabling  her 

and  íive  children  to  go  to  America,  where  her  husband  is 
at  present  "  ;  in  1831  R.J.  was  allowed  £10  towards  going 
to  America,  and  in  1832  there  is  an  interesting  entry  which 
throws  light  on  the  arrangements  necessary  for  emigra- 
tion.    In  that  year  it  was  ordered  that  :  — 

"  H.C.  .  .  tailor  and  family  be  assisted  in  the  sum  that 
will  defray  their  expenses  to  go  to  America,  and  that  the 
Asst  Overseer  do  go  with  him  to  Liverpool  to  make  the  best 
possible  eontract  he  can  with  the  contractor  there.  The  money 
be  borrowed,  and  that  £10/-  be  paid  July  next,  and  the 
remainder  by  the  same  instalments  yearly  at  that  time,  until 
the  whole  expence  with  legal  interest  is  wholly  paid  ". 

Miscellaneous  travelling  expenses  also  appear,  and 
throw  some  light  on  what  it  cost  to  get  from  one  place  to 
another. 

In  1799  M.G.  was  allowed  lOs.  6d.  "  to  take  her  to  her 
mother  in  London  "  ;  in  1814  a  woman  was  allowed  £2 
travelling  expenses  to  Liverpool ;  in  1823  a  man  was  given 
lOs.  to  go  to  Worcester,  and  25s.  were  allotted  to  J.C.  "  to 
go  to  Scilly  with  his  family  "  ;  in  1829  E.W.  was  allowed 
£á  "  to  enable  him  to  go  to  the  wells  at  Dyffryn  for  the 
benefit  of  his  health  "  ;  in  1831  £3  were  given  to  a  woman 
transferring  herself  to  Ireland  ;  and  in  1833  30s.  were 
given  to  M.J.  '  to  enable  her  to  return  to  her  parish, 
Cripplegate,  London  ". 

Education  was  not  a  heavy  charge  on  the  rates,  as  it 
has  since  become.  The  Grammar  School  was  a  "  free  ' 
school  for  a  dozen  or  so  boys  ;  it  was  endowed  by  Church 
benefactions,  sadly  mismanaged  until  the  thirties  ;  and 
towards  the  end  of  the  period  the  Church  opened  its 
'  National  "  Schools,  which  cost  the  ratepayers  nothing. 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    155 

Most  people  in  those  days  paid  for  education,  if  they 
wanted  it,  as  they  paid  for  föod  and  clothing.  It  is  almost 
heresy  to  suggest  it ;  but  it  is  an  open  question  as  to 
whether  the  neighbourhood  was  less  "  educated  ",  in  the 
real  sense  of  the  term,  than  it  is  to-day,  when  money  is 
poured  out  like  water  with  mighty  little  result. 

However  that  may  be,  the  only  instance  of  expenditure 
out  of  the  rates  occurs  in  1825,  when  the  Yestry  decided 
that  "  4s.  a  week  for  a  twelvemonth  be  allowed  J.P.  to 
support  him  at  the  National  School,  Bangor,  where  6s.  a 
week  is  wanted  ",  the  difference  of  2s.  being  made  up  by 
Sir  Robert  Vaughan. 

There  are  a  few  miscellaneous  items  of  relief  and  ex- 
penditure,  which  are  worth  noting  as  illustrative  of  the 
varied  activities  of  the  Vestry.  In  1807  £1  lls.  6d.  were 
paid  "  towards  conveying  the  household  stuff  of  D.T.'s 
widow  ".  In  1809  it  was  ordered  that  "  E.O.,  a  ballotted 
man,  be  paid  the  sum  of  £6,  his  substitute  having  died 
prior  to  an  order  having  been  made  by  a  Magistrate  ". 
Merioneth  levies  were,  in  those  days,  garrisoning  Deal 
and  Dover,  and  other  echoes  of  this  fact  are  found  in  other 
entries.  In  1795  it  was  ordered  that  the  "  money  received 
for  purchasing  a  man  to  serve  in  the  militia  instead  of 
R.P.  should  be  given  for  that  purpose  "  ;  in  1798  £8  was 
allowed  "  towards  a  substitute  to  serve  in  the  Militia  "  ; 
in  1796  6d.  in  the  £  was  levied  on  the  parish  to  "  compleat 
the  tax  imposed  for  raising  men  to  serve  in  the  Marines 
for  the  parish  "  ;  while  in  1810,  the  Overseer  of  the  Parish 
was  authorized  "  to  borrow  on  the  credit  of  the  parish  a 
sufficient  sum  to  pay  the  allowance  due  to  the  respective 
families  of  the  local  Militia  for  this  county,  now  in  actual 
service,  until  the  same  be  repaid  by  the  Receiver 
General  ".    Dilatoriness  and  red  tape  in  the  War  Office  is 


no  new  thing. 


m  2 


156    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

In  1805  "  it  was  settled  in  feuter  (sic)  that  for  killing 
a  Fox  the  sum  of  10/-  "  should  be  paid  ;  and  in  1817  we 
have  the  entry  : — - 

"  Allowed  for  killing  a  fox  the  sum  of  10/6  for  eyerj-  Old 
Fos  and  5/-  for  every  young  cubs  untill  after  the  12th  day  of 
August  "  ; 

and  in  1814  it  was  ordered  that  the  Overseer  ' '  do  pay  £5 
for  R.P.'s  cow  which  is  to  remain  the  property  of  the 
Parish  &  marked  by  the  Overseer  ". 

4.  Attempts  at  Reducing  Expenditure. 

If  we  look  at  the  Appendices  we  cannot  fail  to  be 
struck  by  the  fact  that  though  the  figures  of  '  new  re- 
cipients  "  never,  except  in  1831,  approach  those  of  1800-1 
— in  fact  there  is  a  marked  decrease — the  total  expenditure 
frequently,  almost  invariably,  exceeds  that  of  the  famine 
period.  What  is  the  reason?  Partly  it  would  seem  that 
the  additions  to  the  ' '  permanent  list  ' '  exceeded  annually 
the  diminutions  occasioned  by  death  or  other  causes ;  in 
other  words,  because  once  a  community,  even  in  a  period 
of  distress,  becomes  accustomed  to  relief ,  the  habit  of  de- 
manding  its  continuance  becomes  ingrained  in  that  com- 
munity ,  that  is  ' '  poor  relief  ' '  tends  to  become  ' '  a  right 
to  maintenance  ' ' ,  with  the  consequence  that  there  is  ex- 
treme  difriculty  in  bringing  about  a  reduction  when  the 
urgency  which  brought  ' '  relief  ' '  into  being  has  passed 
away.  Reduction  means  a  determined,  but  unpopular, 
eífort  against  which  all  sorts  of  vested  interests  are  arrayed. 
Moreover,  there  is  an  ineradicable  tendency  for  the  dis- 
tribution  of  poor  relief  to  corrupt  not  only  the  recipients 
but  also  the  distributors. 

Both  of  these  facts  are  illustrated  by  the  Dolgelley 
Register. 

There  are  no  indications  whatsoever  of  any  effort  béing 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Recoi'ds.    157 

made  to  reduce  expenditure  up  to  1819.  In  that  year,  it 
is  stated  that  "  every  reduction  possible  (has  been)  made 
that  circumstances  would  admit  to  weekly  paupers  "  ;  but 
whatever  reductions  were  then  made  had  no  effect  upon 
total  expenditure. 

In  18-2-2,  when  the  old  regime  of  illiteracy  and  mid- 
wifery  came  to  an  end,  we  do  arrive  at  some  attempts 
at  improYÌng  matters,  but  we  can  only  regard  them  as 
pathetic.  In  that  year  some  attempt  at  method  was  con- 
sidered,  and  it  was  decided  that  all  "  quarterly  payments 
(are)  to  be  demanded  &  settled  in  the  quarter,  &  the  Poor 
to  settle  their  accounts  every  quarter,  or  not  to  expect 
their  money  from  the  Vestry  afterwards  " .  In  the  same 
year  it  is  recorded  that  "  in  consequence  of  the  low  price 
of  corn  &  other  food,  the  Vestry  have  thought  proper  to 
reduce  the  allowance  to  the  poor  of  this  parish  ' ' ,  but  it  is 
dubious  if  the  proposed  reductions  were  put  into  operation, 
for  the  record  is  immediately  followed  by  another  in  these 
words,  "  but  it  having  been  represented  to  the  Vestry  that 
the  weight  of  the  loaf  of  bread  is  not  in  conformity  or 
equal  to  the  price  of  corn,  it  is  ordered  by  the  Vestry  that 
a  petition  be  presented  by  them  to  the  Magistrates  of  this 
district,  most  respectfully  requesting  that  the  Assize  of 
Bread  be  regularly  taken  &  made  in  pursuance  of  the 
existing  Acts  of  Parliament  ". 

In  1821  it  was  directed  that  ' '  any  person  heeping  a 
dog  shall  have  110  relief  from  this  parish  "  ;  and  at  a  sub- 
sequent  meeting  that  ' '  no  relief  be  given  in  f uture  to  any 
poor  person  belonging  to  this  parish  while  there  is  a  clock 
or  any  useless  furniture  in  the  house,  &  that  all  the  other 
goods  be  marked  with  the  parish  mark  ". 

In  1828  small  reductions  were  made  in  the  weekly 
allowances  of  51  weeldy  paupers  ;  in  1831  37  paupers  had 
their  allowances  reduced  to  the  extent  of  30s.  2d.  per  week, 


158   The  tmportance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records. 

partly  compensated  for  by  an  increase  in  the  allowances 
of  27  others  to  the  extent  of  9s.  5d.  per  week,  and  more 
than  made  up  by  the  granting  of  no  less  than  138  casual 
reliefs  totalling  £38  13s.  ;  in  1831  it  was  ordered  that  the 
' '  Crier  do  proclaim  that  the  Overseer  will  not  be  respon- 
sible  for  paupers  incurring  debts  by  '  truck  ' ,  but  to  pay 
each  pauper  in  money  "  ;  in  1832  it  was  ordered  that  ' '  no 
farmer  do  expect  any  pauper  debts  to  be  paid  by  the 
Parish  ' '  ;  and  in  1833  16  paupers  had  their  weekly  allow- 
ances  reduced  to  the  extent  of  13s.  9d.  per  week,  while  10 
others  had  their  increased  by  4s. 

These  are  the  only  instances — none  of  them  represent- 
ing  a  reduction  of  £50  in  the  year — of  any  attempt  at 
grappling  with  the  problem  of  reducing  the  amount  of 
' '  poor  relief  ' ' ,  the  expenditure  on  which  was  one  of  the 
main  causes  for  the  decline  in  the  town's  trade. 

The  time-honoured  dodge,  which  is  being  repeated  to- 
day,  of  making  things  look  better  by  extending  the  area 
of  or  valuation  for  assessment,  with  a  view  to  reducing  the 
rate  per  £ ,  was  tried  more  than  once  ;  but ,  though  no 
doubt  some  individual  assessees  benefited,  so  far  from 
alleviating  the  burden  on  the  community  as  a  whole, 
extensions  only  gave  the  Vestry  more  money  to  play  about 
with.  Öide  by  side  with  it  there  was  corruption  in  the 
process  of  re-assessment. 

The  year  1801  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  period  of 
financial  stress.  Not  only  were  the  ordinary  rates  levied 
five  times  instead  of  four,  but  an  extra  levy  of  2s.  was  also 
imposed.  This  resulted  in  a  complaint  "  by  some  of  the 
parishioners  of  the  inequality  of  the  present  rate  "  ;  and 
a  proposal  to  make  a  new  and  more  equal  one  was  put  for- 
ward,  "  which  we,  the  undersigned,  being  a  majority  of 
the  meeting,  do  most  highly  approve  of  &  will  endeavour 
to  accomplish  ".    The  complaint  resulted  in  a  decision  tliat 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    159 

'  all  lands  &  houses  charged  with  the  land-tax  shall  be 
assessed  according  to  the  sums  they  are  respectively 
charged  to  the  land-tax  ". 

There  was  some  reduction  in  the  rate  for  a  time,  but 
when  in  1810  the  rates  began  to  rise  again,  the  question 
cropped  up  once  more,  and  there  was  another  plea  for  a 
further  widening  of  the  basis  of  assessment,  for  it  is 
recorded  "  that  at  a  Yestry  held  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
into  consideration  the  proposal  made  for  assessing  houses 
&  other  property  to  the  Poor  Eate,  not  assessed  to  the  land- 
tax  ;  the  proposal  being  taken  into  consideration,  resolved 
that  the  assessment  for  the  next  quarter  be  made  upon  the 
rate  fixed  in  such  proposal  ". 

There  was  a  temporary  drop  in  the  rate  the  following 
year  ;  but  it  began  to  soar  again  immediately,  and,  with 
occasional  fluctuations,  it  went  on  rising  until  the  rate 
of  lOs.  in  the  £  became  a  more  or  less  fixed  one  in  the 
region  of  16s. 

There  were  murmurings  from  time  to  time,  and  then 
in  April,  1830,  it  was  resolved  "  that  the  old  rate  of  the 
parish  is  unequal,  &  that  the  parish  be  re-rated,  tahing  in 
every  species  of  property  rateable  according  to  law.  It 
was  also  resolved  that  the  above  propositions  be  published 
by  advertizements  or  handbills,  to  request  all  persons  who 
are  willing  &  capable  to  undertake  it  do  send  to  the 
Churchwardens  &  other  publick  offìcers  of  the  parish  their 
proposals  for  doing  so  ". 

The  result  forms  a  strildng  illustration  of  ineptitude. 
One  Eowland  Jones,  apparently  quite  unqualified  for  the 
task,  came  forward  with  some  proposals,  promising  to  re- 
rate  the  whole  parish  in  six  weeks.  What  the  proposals 
were  is  not  stated,  but  he  was  immediately  appointed  to 
re-rate,  being  promised  £50  for  doing  so.  A  "  Committee  '; 
(blessed  word  and  institution)  was  also  appointed  to  ' '  ob- 


ióo   The  Imp07'tance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

ject  to  any  item  "  in  the  matured  proposals,  the  majority 
vote  thereon  to  prevail. 

The  majority  could  agree  neither  with  the  Assessor 
nor  among  themselves ;  and  when  an  impasse  had  been 
reached,  the  Vestry  proceeded  to  appoint  a  new  "  commit- 
tee  ",  one  of  landlords  (men,  as  it  happened,  with  some 
experience  of  valuation,  who  might  have  been  consulted 
at  the  start)  to  consider  the  valuation  made.  This  com- 
mittee  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter  as  things 
stood,  and  then  in  January,  1831,  we  get  the  following 
resolutions  : — 

"  That  no  rate  be  levied  on  the  raluation  of  the  Parish 
delivered  to  the  Vestry  by  Mr.  Rowland  Jones,  his  valuation 
being  proved  to  be  incorrect  ",   and 

"  That  Mr.  Rowland  Jones  hath  not  fulülled  his  contract 
with  the  Parish  of  Dolgelley,  inasmuch  as  he  has  put  down 
lands  and  tenements  in  his  valuation  as  having  been  valued 
by  him,  which  he  has  never  loohed  over  or  made  any  enquiries 
of  the  holders  or  occupiers  of  the  said  lands  and  tenements, 
as  to  the  other  boundaries  and  other  necessary  particulars ; 
therefore,  Mr.  Rowland  Jones  is  not  entitled  to  the  sum  of 
£50/-,  which  was  named  at  a  former  Vestry ;  nevertheless, 
this  Vestry  is  of  opinion  that  Mr.  Rowland  Jones  ought  to 
be  compensated  for  his  trouble.  It  is  agreed  that  a  Com- 
mittee  be  named  and  elected  to  find  a  proper  person  to  re-rate 
the  parish,  and  that  the  Committee  may  appoint  any  person 
they  think  proper,  provided  that  person  is  not  a  Steward  or 
Agent  to  any  of  the  landed  proprietors,  or  in  any  way  con- 
nected  with   the  parish  ". 

The  Committee  nominated  consisted  almost  exclusively 
of  "  landed  proprietors  ".  Now  there  was  some  cause  for 
the  bar  placed  by  the  Vestry  on  ' '  stewards ' '  and  ' '  agents ' ' , 
for  the  stewards  and  agents  of  the  landed  proprietors  had 
rather  distinguished  themselves  for  dilatoriness  and  cor- 
ruption  in  their  proceedings  under  the  Enclosures  Acts, 
but  the  hopeless  ineptitude  of  the  "  popular  "  Vestry,  first 
in  ignoring  those  qualified  to  deal  with  the  matter  and 
appointing  one  utterly  unqualified,  and  then,  on  discover- 


The  Importance  and  Vahie  of  Local  Records.    iói 

ing  the  impasse  their  action  had  led  them  into,  asldng  for 
help  in  terms  calculated  to  secure  a  rebuff,  ended,  as  it 
was  boimd  to  end,  in  a  refusal  of  the  newly-appointed 
Committee  to  sit. 

The  next  step  was  to  try  and  buy  off  Mr.  Bowland 
Jones,  who  was  vociferously  demanding  his  £50,  and 
eventually  in  September,  the  Vestry  resolved  "  we  hereby 

authorize  Mr.  L.  P of  the  Bank  to  make  a  compro- 

mise  with  Bowland  Jones  for  his  services  in  re-rating  the 
parish.    We  limit  him  to  £2,5  ". 

Apparently  Mr.  Eowland  Jones  accepted  the  £25  (not 
a  bad  reward  for  six  weeks'  incompetent  work),  but  the 
Parish  remained  still  un-rated.  In  despair,  the  Vestry, 
consisting  for  the  occasion  of  three  illiterates  and  two 
others,  "  unanimously  agreed  that  the  Churchwardens  & 
Overseers  do  fix  a  rate  upon  every  house  &  landed  property 
that  is  not  already  rated  in  this  parish,  &  the  Church- 
wardens  &  Overseers  are  ordered  by  the  Vestry  to  go  &  fix 
a  rate  upon  the  af oresaid  property  ' ' . 

The  Churchwardens  and  Overseers  declined  to  budge 
without  a  quid  pro  quo,  so,  some  months  later,  the  Vestry 
resolved  that — 

"  it  is  unanimously  agreed  that  the  Churchwardens  and 
Overseers  do  re-rate  the  Parish  forthwith,  and  that  the  sum 
of  ten  guineas  be  allowed  them  for  their  trouble  ". 

Apparently  they  did  re-rate,  but  not  very  satisfactorily. 
There  were  some  law-suits,  and  in  1836  the  question 
cropped  up  again.  One  of  the  Assessors  appears  to  have 
been  the  tenant  of  the  Angel  Inn,  and  possibly  that 
accounts  for  the  fact  that  in  1836  the  Vestry  ordered  that 

"  the  persons  wlio  rated  the  parish  do  make  a  more 
equitable  adjustment  upon  the  Lion  Inn,  the  Angel  Inn,  and 
the  Ship  Inn,  separating  the  rate  upon  the  farms  and  out- 
buildings  from  the  rates  upon  the  houses  severally  ". 

The   particular    Assessor    was    shortly   afterwards    in 


iÓ2    Tke  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

trouble  with  his  Church  accounts,  and  his  activities  as 
churchwarden  were  soon  dispensed  with  by  the  Eector. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  A7estry  in  regard  to  Poor  Eelief 
ended  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year ;  but  the 
matter  of  assessment  was  not  yet  fmished  with ,  for  the  new 
Board  of  Guardians  entered  into  the  lists,  and  in  1838  the 
Vestry  was  summoned  ' '  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into 
consideration  a  communication  from  the  Board  of  Guar- 
dians  of  the  Dolgelley  Union  relative  to  the  valuing  of  this 
parish  for  the  purposes  of  the  new  Parochial  Amendment 
Act". 

The  "  consideration  "  ended  in  a  pathetic  resolution  : 

"  that  the  parish  having  been  recently  valued  for  the 
purposes  of  the  Poor  Rate  at  a  great  expenee,  it  is  deemed 
unneeessary  to  incur  the  expence  of  another  valuation,  and 
that  it  will  answer  the  requirements  of  the  new  Parochial 
Amendment  Act  to  treble  the  rateable  value  settled  by  the 
last  valuation,  and  to  assess  the  Poor  Rate  thereon  accord- 
ingly. 

This  apparently  was  done  and  other  property  brought 
in,  for  the  approximate  valuation  of  £'2,500  became  in  a 
very  few  years  a  valuation  of  just  under  £12,000. 

5.  Friction  icith  tlic  Board  of  Guardians. 

When  the  Vestry  lost  its  control  of  Poor  Eelief,  its 
functions  were  limited  to  the  appointment  of  Overseers 
and  rate-collectors ;  but  there  was  considerable  friction 
between  it  and  the  Board  of  Guardians.  This  friction 
reached  its  culminating  point  in  1812,  when  it  was  pro- 
posed  that  a  petition  should  be  presented  to  Parliament  to 
revert  to  the  old  system,  "  the  new  Poor  Law  not  having 
been  found  to  \vork  beneficially  in  this  parish  ".  It  was 
also  resolved  to  appoint  a  Committee  to  enquire  into  the 
increase  or  decrease  in  expenditure  under  the  new  system  ; 
but  apparently  the  Vestry  was  told  to  mind  its  own  busi- 


The  Importance  and  Vahie  of  Local  Records.    163 

ness,  for  at  a  stormy  meeting  three  months  later  we  have 
the  cryptic  entry  : — 

"  Proposed  that  R.  J.,  the  clerk  to  the  Guardians,  who 
was  saying  much  about  the  matters  of  the  Guardians  and  the 
Parish,  was  asked  to  produce  some  accounts  of  the  Board  to 
explain  what  he  was   talhing  about,   but  he  refused  ", 

and  immediately  after  this  there  is  the  following  :- 

"  The  petition  to  Parliament  was  produced  and  begun  to 
be  signed  ". 

Nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  petition  ;  but  in  1844  the 
Yestry  appointed  another  Committee  to  "  investigate  the 
accounts  of  the  present  &  late  Overseers  from  the  com- 
mencement  of  the  new  Poor  Law  ". 

This  was  the  beginning  of  another  dispute  with  the 
Guardians,  who  wished  to  appoint  an  Assistant  Overseer 
and  Collector  of  its  own  at  £30  per  annum,  but  the  Vestry 
insisted  on  its  own  nominee  being  appointed  on  £20.  This 
nominee  was  found  in  1848  to  have  embezzled  £237  6s.  3d. 
and  to  have  borrowed  another  £45  froin  two  farmers  on 
the  security  of  future  collections.  This  was  the  end  of  the 
squabble,  for  the  Vestry  threw  up  the  sponge  and  implored 
the  Guardians  to  appoint  anyone  they  thought  fit.  They 
did  so,  and  there  is  no  further  mention  of  a  Collector  of 
Poor  Rates  being  appointed  by  the  Vestry  until  1857.  So 
ended  in  a  stormy  quarrel  and  a  capitulation  the  long 
administration  of  the  Poor  Law  by  a  clique  operating  the 
Vestry. 

III.    Chürch  Affairs. 

The  Vestry,  however,  dealt  not  only  with  the  Poor 
Law,  but  with  other  matters  as  well.  Chief  amongst 
these  were  Church  affairs,  and,  as  elsewhere,  it  had  the 
power  of  levying  a  Church  rate. 

The  amount  of  this  rate  is  not  given  with  complete 
regularity,  but  it  appears  frequently  in  the  Register,  3Jd. 


164    Tiie  ímportance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

in  the  £  in  1796,  2d.  in  1797,  3d.  in  1799,  2id.  in  1800, 
6d.  in  1802-3,  ls.  in  1804,  6d.  in  1805,  3d.  in  1806-7-8, 
ls.  6d.  in  1809,  4d.  in  1810,  6d.  in  1811,  8d.  in  1812,  3d. 
in  1813-4-6,  4d.  in  1817-8,  6d.  in  1819,  ls.  in  1820,  6d. 
in  1823,  8d.  in  1825,  ls.  in  1826-7-9,  6d.  in  1830-1,  8d. 
in  1833-4,  ls.  in  1835,  8d.  in  1838,  4d.  in  1840,  ljd.  in 
1811-2,  lid.  in  1843,  ld.  in  1845-6,  2d.  in  1847,  and  ld. 
from  1848  to  1858,  when  the  immemorial  right  of  the 
A7estry  to  levy  such  a  rate  was  taken  away. 

The  ordinary  rate  was  applied  to  '  defray  expenses 
attendant  upon  divine  service  " ,  to  "  maintain  the  fabric 
of  the  Church  " ,  to  "  preserve  the  graveyard  ' ' ,  and  many 
other  purposes. 

As  Nonconformity  spread,  the  control  of  the  Vestry 
passed  practically  into  its  hands,  and  there  are  many 
cases  where  the  Vestry  was  packed  with  Nonconformists 
with  the  deliberate  object  of  humiliating  the  Rector  and 
loyal  Church  people.  These  cases  I  pass  over,  for  some 
of  the  protagonists  are  still  alive,  advanced  in  years,  and 
the  mantle  of  others  has  fallen  on  their  descendants. 

Occasionally  we  find  extra  Church  rates  levied  for 
special  purposes.  In  1809,  an  extra  rate  of  ls.  was  levied 
towards  procuring  a  new  bell  ;  in  1813  and  again  in  1814 
ls.  '  towards  building  the  intended  wall  about  Marian 
Bach  f or  a  burial  ground  ' ' ,  and  2d .  in  1844  ' '  to  buy  a 
new  hearse  upon  springs  with  four  wheels  &  shafts  & 
pole  ". 

The  burial  ground  and  the  hearse  play  a  part  in  the 
economy  of  the  Vestry.  It  may  seem  trivial  to  touch  on 
such  matters  ;  but  it  is  the  ' '  parish  pump  ' '  which  con- 
cerns  most  parishes,  and  the  life  of  the  common  run  of 
men  must  be  studied,  if  we  would  understand  a  period,  by 
looldng  at  what  they  were  interested  in.  Moreover,  in 
these  days  the  question  of  burial  grounds  has  become  a 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    165 

matter  of  national  interest ;  so  too  has  municipal  trading, 

and  the  parish  hearse  was  a  municipal  enterprise. 

Further,  the  Dolgelley  bnrial  ground  has  had  an  enorm- 

ous   indirect   effect   upon   the   growth   of   the   town.      It 

occupies  just  that  portion  of  ground  along  which,  had  the 

graveyard  not  been  placed  there,  the  town  itself  would 

naturally  have  spread,  and  have  avoided  the  terrible  con- 

gestion  of  the  poorer  quarters  to-day.     It  is  a  standing 

local  monument  of  the  inability  of  "  popular  government ' 

to  look  into  the  future. 

The  first  mention  of  the  new  graveyard  is  in  October, 
1806,  when 

"  at  a  Arestry  held  .  .  .  for  taking  into  eonsideration  the 
State  of  the  Churehyard,  It  is  unanimously  agreed  that  a 
new  burial  ground  should  be  obtained,  and  that  the  free- 
holders  of  Dyffrydan  be  requested  to  give  Marian  Bach  for 
that  purpose  ". 

Nothing  further  happened  for  five  years,  during  which 
period  the  burial  ground  was  donated  to  the  Church,  and 
then  in  December,  1811,  estimates  were  called  for  for  the 
building  of  a  wall  round  the  plot  by  publication  in  Church. 
No  estimates  being  received  the  projeet  slept  for  two 
years  ;  and  then  in  October,  1813,  a  Church  rate  of  ls.  in 
the  £  was  levied  before  the  work  was  contracted  for, 
followed  by  another  levy  of  the  same  amount  in  August, 
1814;  "  £35  or  thereabouts,  being  the  remainder  of  the 
expence  of  walling,  etc,  the  new  Churchyard  '  being 
borrowed  on  interest  in  September  "  until  a  Church  rate 
be  made  for  that  purpose  ".  No  further  Church  rate  was 
levied,  but  a  poor  rate  of  3s.  6d.  was,  partly  to  pay  for 
the  balance  of  cost. 

The  first  hearse,  which  had  a  pair  of  wheels  only,  was 
ordered  in  1803,  and  a  contract  given  to  a  stone  mason  to 
build  a  "  house  "  for  it,  with  a  vestry  room  attached,  at 
4s.  per  running  yard,  "  he  to  find  stones,  gravel  &  lime, 


1 66   The  Importance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records. 

&  to  be  at  the  expence  of  carrying  same  ".  In  1806,  it 
was  agreed  that  6d.  a  mile  should  be  paid  for  the  use  of 
the  hearse,  and  2s.  6d.  per  day  to  "  the  Person  who  attends 
it  out  of  the  sum  produced  ". 

This  was  considerably  enhanced  next  year,  when  a 
daily  charge  of  13s.  was  fixed  for  hire.  The  hearse  was 
springless,  for  in  1836,  i.e.,  30  years  after,  it  was  decided 
to  furnish  springs  for  the  vehicle,  and  in  this  state  it 
served  the  parish  for  another  eight  years,  when  a  four- 
wheeled  spring  hearse  was  bought  out  of  a  Church  rate  of 
2d.  in  the  £  for  "  the  use  of  the  parishioners  of  Dolgellau 
to  convey  bodies  to  &  from  the  parishes  of  Dolgellau, 
Llanfachreth,  &  Llanelltyd  "  ;  and  lOs.  was  fixed  as  its 
hire  if  '  to  convey  bodies  into  any  other  parish  ' ' ,  plus 
ls.  for  cleaning. 

It  continued  in  use  until  1878  and  possibly  later. 

Part  of  the  Church  rate  was  devoted  to  repairs  and 
replenishings.  So  in  1803  we  find  iB10  being  paid  for  a 
'  new  pulpit  with  a  sounding  board  above  "  ;  the  south 
side  of  the  Church  repaired  in  1 820  ;  new  leads  (bought 
in  Chester)  placed  on  the  roof  ;  the  Church  clock  repaired 
in  1824,  and  eight  new  casements  let  in  in  1825. 

In  that  year  the  Archdeacon  on  his  visitation  seems  to 
have  made  some  pointed  remarks  about  the  delapidated 
state  of  the  fabric,  for  the  Vestry  "  took  into  consideration 
the  said  remarks  as  to  the  repairs  to  the  Church  ",  and 
so  it  was  ordered  that  ' '  the  timber  work  of  the  steeple 
be  thoroughly  repaired  where  it  is  found  deficient,  &  the 
wall  be  cemented  where  necessary,  &  the  other  parts 
pointed,  also  the  West  entrance  door  of  the  Churchyard 
be  repaired  &  painted  ".  In  1828  the  building  of  a  new 
vestry  in  the  north-west  angle  of  the  Church  (i.e.,  where 
the  present  vestry  stands)  was  ordered  ;  in  1832  chande- 
liers  were  purchased  ;  and  in  1837  somewhat  extensive 


Tke  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    167 

repairs  were  effected  in  the  chancel  and  to  the  churchyard 
wall,  over  which  the  Churchwardens  got  somewhat  in- 
volved  in  their  accounts,  necessitating  'a  collection  in 
proportion  to  a  rate  of  ls.  in  the  £  .  .  .  for  the  purpose 
of  defraying  the  expences  incurred  in  the  repairs  of  the 
Chureh,  etc,  amounting  to  £117  ". 

It  is  noteworthy  that  thereafter  there  is  no  mention 
of  expenditure  on  repairs,  and  the  very  extensive  altera- 
tions  made  in  the  sixties  are  unnoticed  in  the  Register. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  Dolgelley  Church  Choir 
had  a  great  reputation  in  North  Wales  ;  and  it  is,  there- 
fore,  of  interest  to  find  that  so  early  as  1827  £2  2s.  per 
annum  were  allowed  to  J.R.  "  out  of  the  Church  rate  for 
conducting  the  psalm-singing  in  Church  &  giving  instruc- 
tions  in  same  ' ' ,  and  this  continued  to  be  paid  for  at  least 
15  years,  for  in  1842,  when  Nonconformity  was  beginning 
to  capture  the  Vestry,  there  is  an  estimate  (the  bottom  of 
which  is  torn  off)  of  expenses  for  the  current  year  attached 
to  the  Register,  and  the  charge  of  £2  2s.  is  noted  in  the 
estimate  as  "  objected  to  ". 

The  other  items  in  the  estimate  deserve  quotation,  for 
they  show  the  cost  of  Church  services  at  the  time.  The 
'  sacramental  wine  ",  based  on  an  average,  was  estimated 
to  cost  £8,  but  was  cut  down  to  £5  ;  "  bread  "  appears  as 
costing  9s.  6d.  ;  repairs  to  Church  windows  at  £2  ;  sweep- 
ing  the  Church  and  Seats  at  £2  lOs.  (cut  down  to  £2  2s.)  ; 
winding  the  clock  at  £2  2s.  ;  firing  at  £1  lOs.  ;  candles  for 
lighting  at  £10  (cut  down  to  £6)  ;  washing  the  surplices, 
etc,  at  £1  15s.  ;  and  new  bell  ropes  at  £8  (cut  down  to  £4 
10s.).       The  "  Liberation  Society  "  was  at  active  work. 

The  entry   regarding     '  sacramental  wine   &  bread  ' 
is  of  very  great  importance.    One  of  the  common  charges 
brought  against  the  Church  is  that  the  celebration  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist  was  neglected.     That  is  true  enough  so 


1 68    Tke  Importance  and  Valne  of  Local  Records. 

far  as  many  churches  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  are  concerned ;  but  the  estimates  quoted  show 
that  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  celebration 
was  frequent  and  well-attended,  and  that  the  reduction 
of  average  charges  by  37 \  per  cent.  for  this  duty  in  1842 
marks  the  beginning  of  the  Liberationist  "  anti-Com- 
munion  "  campaign. 

There  is  another  entry  in  the  Eegisters  also  which 
meets  another  charge  very  adequately,  namely,  that  one 
of  the  reasons  for  the  growth  of  Methodism  was  that  the  g 
were  few  services  in  Church,  and  those  not  in  Welsli. 
This  again  is  partly  true,  but  it  has  no  application  to  Dcl- 
gelley.  The  entry  is  dated  1801,  ten  years  before  the 
Methodist  secession.  Up  till  then  the  Church  had  been 
served  by  the  Eector  and  curate.  The  former  lived  at 
Garthmaelan,  one  and  a-half  miles  or  so  away  ;  and  in 
1801  when  the  Eector  dispensed  with  the  services  of  a 
curate,  he  found  the  existing  services  too  heavy  to  carry 
on  alone.  Accordingly  a  petition  was  sent  to  the  Bishop 
of  Bangor,  and  a  copy  of  his  orders  on  the  petition  is  in- 
serted  in  the  Eegister.     It  runs  thus  : — 

"  Whereas  the  Revd  Francis  Parry,  clerk,  our  Rural 
Dean  in  and  for  the  deaneries  of  Ardudwy,  Estimaner  and 
Pen-y-bont  in  the  county  of  Merioneth  and  our  jurisdiction 
hath  transmitted  to  us  a  Representation  or  Petition  signed 
by  the  Churchwardens  and  principal  inhabitants  of  the  parish 
of  Dolgelle  in  the  said  county  of  Merioneth  to  the  following 
tenor  and  effect,  that  is  to  say :  — 

To  the  Revd  Francis  Parry,  clerk,  our  Rural  Dean  of 
the  Deanery  of  Ardudwy  and  Estimaner  in  the  county  of 
Merioneth,  We,  the  Churchwardens  and  principal  inhabitants 
of  the  Town  and  neighbourhood  of  Dolgelle  take  the  liberty 
of  representing  to  you  that  as  Mr.  Hughes,  the  Rector  of 
this  parish,  has  been  pleased  to  take  upon  himself  the  entire 
Church  Duty  thereof,  and  having  taken  into  consideration 
the  heavy  duty  of  the  Parish,  which  is  very  populous  and 
extensive,  and  his  living  at  the  distance  of  near  two  miles 
from  the  Church  (there  being  no  glebe  house  belonging  to  it) 
and  consequently  how  very  inconvenient  it  must  be  for  Mr. 


Thc  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    169 

Huglies  to  attend  the  eight  o'elock  service  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing,  and  more  particularly  as  that  service  is  lmt  thinly 
attended,  We  humbly  conceire  that  such  service  may  be  dis- 
pensed  with,  as  there  are  two  other  services  in  the  same 
language  every  Sunday  at  eleven  and  three  o'clock,  and  a 
Service  on  Tuesday,  Friday,  and  Saturday  every  week,  There- 
fore,  we  beg  you  will  be  pleased  to  represent  this  matter  to 
the  Bishop,  and  we  have  no  doubt  but  his  Lordship  wil]  be 
pleased,  under  the  before-mentioned  circumstances,  to  dis- 
pense  with  such  early  service  in  future ; 

"  And  Whereas  our  said  Rural  Dean  hath  recommended 
to  us  to  comply  herewith,  We,  therefore,  William,  by  Divine 
permission,  Lord  Bishop  of  Bangor,  having  duly  considered  the 
premises  and  being  willing  to  grant  this  request,  Do  hereby 
give  our  consent,  that  the  customary  service  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  Sunday  in  the  Parish  Church  of  Dolgelle 
aforesaid  be  from  henceforth  disp^nsed  with  and  that  the 
Rector  of  the  said  Parish  Church  and  his  Successors,  Rectors 
for  the  time  being,  do  cease  and  for  the  future  omit  to  per- 
form  the  same  ". 


IV.      MüNICIPAL    ACTIVITIES. 

What  may  be  termed  the  municipal  activities  of  the 
Vestry,  though  they  were  within  its  scope,  play  but  a 
small  part  until  the  second  half  of  the  period. 

The  fìrst  municipal  action  belongs  to  1805,  when  on 
the  lOth  September,  it  was  ordered  ' '  that  the  cleaning 
of  the  streets  in  the  said  town  of  Dolgelley  be  set  on  Tues- 
day  next  from  that  time  to  the  12th  May  next ,  &  also  that 
the  Surveyors  remove  all  other  Nuisances  ",  an  order 
which  was  followed  a  fortnight  later  with  another,  "  that 
the  cleaning  of  the  Street  &  other  parts  of  the  town  of 
Dolgelley  be  set  to  J.M.  for  the  sum  of  26s.  from  this 
time  to  12th  May  next  to  be  cleaned  weekly,  &  for  every 
neglect  thereof  he  shall  pay  20s.". 

No  other  municipal  action  occurs  until  December, 
1832,  when  the  question  of  "  watch  &  ward  "  came  under 
discussion,  and  a  motion  '  for  having  the  Town  better 
protected  was  agreed  upon,  and  any  Voluntarv  Subscriber 

N 


i /O    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

from  within  5  miles  of  this  Town  should  be  entitled  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Police  so  to  be  formed  in  case  of 
necessity  ".  A  committee  of  five  was  nominated  to  con- 
duct  the  watching  of  the  town  and  four  watchmen 
appointed. 

In  the  following  February,  however,  the  town  mus- 
tered  in  force  at  the  Vestry,  and  it  was  decided  by  47  votes 
to  36  that  no  town  watchmen  should  be  appointed.  So 
matters  remained  until  1842,  when,  in  accordance  with 
recent  legislation,  a  Vestry  was  summoned  to  prepare  a 
list  of  '20  men  qualified  and  liable  to  serve  as  Constables 
for  the  parish,  on  a  precept  issued  by  the  Magistrates. 

The  list  was  prepared,  and  it  was  also  decided  that  a 
paid  constable  should  be  appointed  at  a  salary  of  £40  a 
year,  the  parish  to  provide  clothes  and  pay  all  disburse- 
ments.  No  appointment  was  apparently  made,  for  in  the 
following  year  the  town  again  mnstered  in  force,  and  it 
was  '  carried  by  vote  that  there  be  no  police  for  the 
ensuing  year  at  the  expence  of  the  poor  rates  ".  Four 
months  later,  under  pressure  from  the  Magistrates,  this 
decision  was  once  more  reversed,  and  it  was  resolved 
unanimously  to  appoint  a  paid  Constable  under  Act  5.6. 
Vict.  c.  109,  on  a  salary  of  £5  per  annum.  Thereafter, 
we  find  20  constables  nominated  annually  until  1852, 
when  the  number  was  reduced  to  15  nominated  constables, 
and  two  paid  ones  on  £5  per  annum  each  ;  and  this  con- 
tinued  to  be  the  rule  until  the  whole  police  system  was 
reorganized  on  county  lines. 

Another  matter  which  fell  within  the  scope  of  the 
Vestry  was  that  of  lighting.  Apparently  the  town  was 
unlighted  until  1855,  when  a  Vestry  was  summoned  to 
consider  the  Lighting  and  Watching  Act  (3.4.  Wm.  IV. 
c.90),  and  it  was  decided  to  adopt  the  Act.  Three  Inspec- 
tors  were  appointed  to  carry  out  the  pnrposes  of  the  Act, 


The  Importancc  and  Value  of  Loca/  Records.    171 

and  it  was  resolved  '  that  the  total  amount  of  money 
which  the  said  Inspectors  shall  have  power  to  call  for,  in 
the  succeeding  year,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  purposes 
aforesaid  shall  be  the  sum  of  -£'80  ".  Such  Tnspectors  ap- 
pear  to  have  been  appointed  regularly  until  1863,  but  the 
cost  of  lighting  was  reduced  in  1857  to  £64  per  annum, 
raised  in  1858  to  £67  and  reduced  in  1859  to  £60,  at  which 
fìgure  it  remained  constant  under  contract  with  the  new 
Gas  Company  from  1861. 

Tn  regard  to  roads  we  find  but  little  mention.  In  1805 
the  Vestry  ordered  that  "  the  sum  of  6d.  in  the  .£,  accord- 
ing  to  the  land  tax  assessment,  &  in  lieu  of  Statute  labour, 
be  immediately  raised  for  repairing  the  roads  ".  There  is 
no  other  mention  of  the  subject  for  45  years  ;  though,  as 
elsewhere,  there  are  incidental  references  to  Turnpike 
Trusts,  one  of  which  operated  in  Dolgelley  parish. 

Tn  1839,  we  find  the  Vestry  dealing  with  proposals  to 
divert  certain  pathways,  and  it  appears  there  was  a  Sur- 
veyor  at  that  tiiue,  but  it  is  not  until  1850  that  there  is 
any  record  of  "  Surveyors  of  Highways  '  (nine  in 
number)  being  appointed. 

These  are  the  only  municipal  activities  noted. 

V.    The  School. 

The  Dolgelley  Grammar  School  was  founded  in  the 
seventeenth  century  by  Dr.  John  Ellis,  Rector  of  the 
Parish  ;  and  he  endowed  the  School  with  a  farm  called 
Penrhyn  in  Llanaber.  Subsequent  endowments  were 
those  of  a  farm  called  Cilgwynbach  (Denbigh)  by  Mr. 
Elis  Lewis,  £300  in  Consols  by  Rev.  Mr.  Tamburlane, 
and  a  donation  of  £80  invested  in  the  Dolgelley  Turnpike 
Trusts. 

The  title  deeds  of  the  properties  still  repose  in  the 
Church  safe,  though  the  School  is  no  longer  "  under  the 

n  2 


172    The  Imỳortance  and  Valne  of  Local  Records. 

control  of  the  Rector  and  twelve  good  men  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood  ". 

In  1857  the  income  from  the  endowments  was  £37  10s., 
which  according  to  the  Vestry  Register  was  paid  to  the. 
Master,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Price.  This  income  had  been  avail- 
able  for  many  years,  but  by  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth  century  the  School  had  fallen  on  evil  days.  There 
is  no  intention  of  tracing  here  the  history  of  this  old 
foundation,  but  merely  to  note  the  part  played  by  the 
Vestry,  in  so  far  as  the  Register  indicates  that  part,  in 
restoring  the  School  to  usefulness. 

The  first  mention  of  the  School  in  the  Register  is  in 
May,  1813,  when  it  is  noted  that  at  a  Vestry  held  at  the 
Town  Hall  ' '  f or  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration 
several  matters  relating  to  the  Free  School,  the  number 
of  persons  attending  being  very  few,  It  is  resolved  that 
the  Vestry  be  adjourned  to  Tuesday  next  ". 

The  adjournment  lasted  for  18  years,  for  that  length  of 
time  expired  before  anything  more  was  done.  Then  Mr. 
Richard  Richards  of  Caerynwch  began  to  interest  himself 
in  the  decayed  institution  ;  and,  through  his  instrument- 
ality,  in  December,  1831,  a  memorial  was  drawn  up  and 
presented  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  Ordered  that  the  following  memorial  be  presented  to 
the  Rector  of  the  Parish  as  trustee  for  the  time  being  of  the 
Free  School. 

"  We  the  undersigned,  being  parishioners  of  the  Parish 
of  Dolgelley,  beg  to  submit  to  you,  the  Rector  of  the  Parish 
aforesaid,  the  trustee  for  the  time  being  of  the  Free  School 
in  the  Town  of  Dolgelley,  that  the  said  school  is  not  con- 
ducted  according  to  the  intention  or  in  fulfìlnt  (sic)  of 
the  Wills  relating  to  the  same,  and  that  this  is  a  loss  and 
grievance, 

"  We  beg  therefore  respectfully  to  request  that  to  cure 
the  same  grievance,  you  will  be  pleased  to  displace  and  change 
the  present  Master  and  to  appoint  another  in  his  stead  to 
carry  out  the  trusts  of  the  different  Wills  relating  to  the  said 
School  with   execution,    and  in   support  of   this   our  request, 


The  Importance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records.    \J 


5 


we  submit  to  your  consideration  the  following  circunistances 
which  may  be  proved. 

"  For  sevl  years  tlie  present  Master  has  absented  liimself 
from  the  School  for  considerable  times  beyond  the  Holidays. 
From  the  month  cf  June  last  the  schoolmaster  has  altogether 
absented  himself  from  the  School. 

"  Under  the  trusts  of  Wills  devisg  or  bequeathg  emolu- 
ments  to  this  Scliool  (which  are  respectable  in  amount)  the 
Bachelor  (sic)  must  be  a  Bachelor  of  Arts  at  the  least,  but  the 
present  Master  has  appointed  a  Deputy  who  has  not  attained 
that  degree  and  who  consequent]y  cannot  conduct  the  educa- 
tion  of  children  placed  in  the  school  according  to  the  intention 
of  the  Wills  before  mentioned. 

"  The  original  Schoolroom  is  now  let  out  to  labourers  or 
Workmen  for  dwellings. 

"  Three  or  four  boys  only  of  respectable  parentage  have 
been  placed  in  the  School  for  about  6  years,  which  shews  the 
consequence  of  these  and  other  neglects. 

"  The  School  house  is  in  a  delapidated  state,  and  the 
timber  of  one  of  the  farms  devised  in  trust  for  the  School 
lias  been  cut  by  the  present  Master  and  the  woodland  has 
since  been  un-inclosed  and  neglected." 

This  was  followed  up  by  another  in  similar  terms  in 
September,  1832  :— 

"  At  a  Vestry  held— the  llth  day  of  September  1832  for 
the  purpose  to  take  into  consideration  the  management  of 
tlie  Free  School. 

"  Ordered  that  the  following  Resolutions  were  agreed  to  : 
That  the  Fi-ee  School  of  Dolgelley  is  not  conducted  according 
to  the  intention  or  in  fulfilment  of  the  wills  relating  to  the 
same,  and  that  Timber  growing  upon  one  of  the  Farms  devised 
by  will  for  the  support  of  the  School  has  been  cut  by  the 
presant  Master,  tfc  the  proceeds  of  the  same,  which  we  believe 
to  be  considerable,  not  accounted  for,  nor  the  Woodland  in- 
closed,  and  that  the  above  circumstances  are  great  grievances 
to  the  inhabitants  of  this  Parish. 

"  The  following  petition  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of 
Bangor  was  moved  by  Mi .  Hallowes,  seconded  by  Edward 
Owen,  Esq.,  of  Garthynharad  and  carried  :  — 

"  We,  the  undersigned  parishioners  of  Dolgelley,  beg 
most  respectfully  to  request  that  to  ciire  the  same  grievance 
you  will  be  pleased  to  displace  and  change  the  present  Master, 
&  appoint  another  in  bis  stead,  and  to  carry  the  trusts  of 
the  different  Wills  relating  to  the  said  School  into  execution, 
and   that  you   will  be   pleased  to  take  such    measures  as  you 


174    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

deem  proper  to  make  the  present  Master  aceount  for  the 
proceeds  of  the  Timber  above  mentioned.  In  support  of  this 
our  request  we  submit  to  your  consideration  the  following 
circumstances,  wbich  can  be  proved. 

"  For  several  years  the  present  Master  absented  himself 
from  the  School  for  considerable  time  beyond  the  holidays, 
in  particular  from  June  1831  to  Decr  of  the  same  year  he 
was  absent  altogetber. 

"  Under  the  trust  of  Wills  devising  or  bequeathing  emolu- 
ments  to  the  Schcol,  which  are  respectable  in  amount,  the 
Master  must  be  a  Bachelor  of  Arts  at  the  least,  but  the  pre- 
sent  Master,  when  absent,  appointed  a  Deputy  who  has  not 
attained  that  degree  and  wbo  moreover  is  perfectly  incom- 
petent  to  instruct  Children  in  the  rudiments  of  the  English 
language,  consequently  the  education  of  the  Children  placed 
in  the  School  is  not  conducted  according  to  the  intention  of 
the  M'ills  before  mentioned. 

"  The  original  School  Room  is  now  let  to  labourers  or 
worhmen  for  Dwellings,  only  three  or  four  boys  of  respectable 
parentage  have  been  placed  in  the  School  for  about  six  years, 
which  shews  the  consequence  of  these  and  other  inflicts  (sic). 

' '  The  School  house  ìs  in  a  dilapidated  state  and  the 
Timber  on  one  of  the  Farms  as  before  mentioned  as  divised  in 
trust  for  the  School  has  been  cut  by  the  present  Master,  & 
the  Woodland  has  bince  been  left  unenclosed  and  neglected." 

The  eventual  result  of  this  action  was  the  rehabilita- 
tion  oí'  the  School,  which  entered  upon  a  new  career  of 
usefulness  to  the  locality.  The  course  of  action  is  detailed 
in  the  Charity  Commissioners'  Reports.  There  is  a  collec- 
tion  of  pathetic  letters  in  the  church  safe  from  the  Master, 
who  cleared  the  deck  for  action  by  dying  at  an  opportune 
moment. 

Founded  and  endowed  by  Rectors  of  the  Parish  and 
restored  to  effìciency  by  a  few  zealous  Churchmen,  the 
School  continued  under  the  management  of  the  Church, 
which  had  created  it,  until  it  was  removed  from  that  con- 
trol  by  the  Intermediate  Education  Act,  and  its  name 
abolished  until,  a  short  while  ago,  the  old  nanie  was 
restored  fco  ofncial  use,  fchanks  fco  the  historical  bent  of  the 
present  Headmaster. 


The  Importance  and  Vahie  of  Local  Records.    175 

VI.    Other  Registers. 

ln  addition  to  its  valuable  Vestry  Book,  the  Parish 
Church  of  Dolgelley  possesses  a  complete  series  of  regis- 
ters  of  baptisms,  burials,  and  marriages  from  1640  to  the 
present  day. 

Up  to  1840  or  so,  they  are  of  considerable  value  for 
statistical  purposes.  Until  1840  practically  everyone  was 
baptized,  married,  and  buried  by  the  Church  ;  and  hence 
the  Church  registers  are  almost  as  valuable  for  those  pur- 
poses  as  the  present-day  Registrar's  records.  After  1840 
their  value  decreases,  more  and  more  as  the  years  go  by, 
for  the  habit  then  grew  up  of  such  rites  being  conducted 
by  various  ministers  of  Nonconformist  bodies. 

The  first  Register  covers  the  period  from  1G40  to  1G88. 
It  was  maintained  in  Latin  until  1652,  when  English 
came  into  use  till  1661,  i.e.,  throughout  the  Common- 
wealth  period.  On  the  Restoration  Latin  was  again  used 
and  continued  to  be  used  far  into  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  vital  statistics  disclosed  by  the  Registers  for  the 
period  can  be  tabulated  thus  : — 


BlRTHS. 

Illegutimacy. 

Dej 

LTHS. 

Marriages. 

Ann. 

Percent- 

Ann. 

Ann. 

Years. 

Total. 

Aver. 

Total.     age. 

Total. 

Arer. 

Total.    Aver 

1640-1650    " 

j 

í  382 

34.72 

88          8. 

1651-1662 
1663-1673 

l     2430 
1 

49.6 

164        6.75 

1      30 
1   U1 

2.5 

4.8 

30          2.5 
46          4.2 

1674-1688 

1 

948 

63.2 

102          6.8 

The  ' '  birth  ' '  figures  show  no  violent  fluctuations  from 
year  to  year,  save  that  in  1651  only  nine  baptisms  are  re- 
corded  ;  but  for  this  there  is  a  good  reason,  namely  the 
ravaging  of  the  land  by  the  Parliamentarians  at  that  time. 
In  26  out'  of  the  49  years  covered,  the  annual  total  was  in 
the  forties  or  fifties.  The  Commonwealth  period  shows 
an  average  of  32.2. 

The  percentage  of  illegitimacy  is  slightly  lower  than 


176    Thc  Importance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records. 

the  present  county  rate  of  7.5  ;  it  was  fairly  constant 
throughout  the  period,  with  a  slight  diminution  under  the 
Commonwealth. 

The  niortality  figures  are  peculiar.  It  is  quite  clear 
that  froni  1651  to  1G73  the  record  of  burials  was  not  pro- 
perly  maintained,  in  fact  many  years  are  blank.  Why 
this  should  have  been  so  is  a  matter  of  conjecture  only  ; 
but  a  study  of  contemporary  local  documents  shows  that 
economically  the  Commonwealth  period  was  one  of  great 
uneasiness  and  insecurity  of  title,  and  this  feeling  of  in- 
security  may  account  for  the  failure  to  record  deaths.  The 
date  when  regularity  again  appears  in  the  registers  coin- 
sides  with  the  passing  of  the  Test  Act ;  and  whatever  the 
merits  of  some  provisions  of  that  measure  might  be,  it 
indubitably  did  restore  discipline  in  the  services  of  the 
Church,  after  a  long  period  of  hopeless  confusion  ;  1673 
also  saw  the  induction  of  one  of  the  finest  Eectors  Dol- 
gelley  has  ever  had,  the  Rev.  Maurice  Jones,  who  was 
the  donor  to  the  Church  of  its  magnificent  chalice,  one  of 
the  finest  Post-reformation  chalices  in  Wales. 

Prior  to  1673  the  highest  recorded  mortality  was  in 
1649,  a  year  of  frequent  military  operations  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood,  when  the  deaths  totalled  74.  In  1673,  there  is 
a  high  total  of  141,  and  in  1674  of  118,  after  which  there 
is  a  drop  of  50  per  cent.  or  more.  It  is  suggested  that 
these  high  figures  indicate  the  presence  of  plague  in  the 
locality. 

The  record  of  marriages  is  also  unsatisfactory  ;  and  it 
is  again  obvious  that,  in  the  same  period,  causes  operated 
to  prevent  a  full  record  being  made. 

Three  small  facts  are  worthy  of  notice.  To  the  end  of 
the  period  the  old  Welsh  habit  of  a  wife  retaining  her 
maiden  name  after  marriage  is  common ;  the  use  of  sur- 
naines  has  not  become  completely  established  ;  and  from 


The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    177 

1680  it  became  customary,  on  the  baptism  of  an  illegiti- 
mate  child,  to  record  its  sponsors,  who  imdertook  in 
Church  to  relieve  the  parish  of  liability  to  be  burdened 
with  its  maintenance.  This  continued  until  nearly  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  common  phrase  appended 
to  the  baptism  record  is  as  follows  : — 

"  A  et  B  restraw  (sic)  fidejussorunt  ne  infans  predictus 
huic  parochiae   sit  oneri." 

From  1689  to  1840,  the  records  are  complete  and  full ; 
and,  subject  to  the  possibility  of  small,  but  negligible, 
errors  in  computation,  the  vital  statistics  are  as  follows  :  — 


BlRTHS. 

Illegitimacy. 

J)E. 

ITHS. 

Marriages. 

Ann. 

Percent- 

Ann. 

Ann. 

Years. 

Total. 

Aver. 

Total. 

age. 

Total. 

Aver. 

Total.    Aver. 

1689-1724 

2137 

59.3 

100 

4.6 

1958 

54.3 

533        14.8 

1725-1754 

1816 

60.5 

57 

3.13 

1554 

51.8 

543        18.1 

1755-1784 

2241 

74.7 

70 

3.12 

1904 

63.4 

526        17.5 

1785-1804  l 
1805-1810  i 

1927 

74.1 

36 

1.8 

1399 

54.5 

581        22.4 

23 

3.81 

1811-1840 

1746 

58.2 

97 

5.55 

1680 

56. 

583        19.4 

There  is  no  definite  material  whereon  to  form  an 
accurate  estimate  of  the  size  of  the  population  ;  but  my 
own  estimate,  for  what  it  is  worth,  is  that  the  parish  con- 
tained  about  1700  a.d.  a  total  of  some  2,000  people,  which 
rose  to  approximately  3,250  by  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  However  that  may  be,  the  statistics  in  the  regis- 
ters  disclose  a  fairly  steady  rise  in  population  up  to  1810  ; 
and  the  period  covers  the  time  during  which  the  local  in- 
dustries,  connected  with  wool,  were  in  their  most  flourish- 
ing  condition.  Thereafter,  there  was  a  steady  decline  in 
the  town's  prosperity,  which  is  reflected  in  the  decreased 
average  birth-rate.  Years  of  heavy  mortality  were  1690 
(138),  1729  (117),  1763  (153),  1768  (100),  1777  (131),  1784 
(103),  and  1794  (84),  in  which  latter  years  the  registers 
record  a  great  number  of  deaths   from  small-pox.     No 


i/8    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local Records. 

reason  is  given  for  the  high  mortality  in  the  other  years  ; 
but  it  was  probably  due  to  small-pox  or  cholera. 

The  figures  in  regard  to  illegitimacy  are  interesting. 
One  school  of  thought  has  maintained  persistently,  with- 
out  the  production  of  much  evidence,  that  the  eighteenth 
century  in  Wales  was  a  period  of  serious  moral  depravity, 
against  which  the  Nonconformist  movement  was  a  pro- 
test  ;  another  school  of  thought  suggests  that  a  period  of 
perturbation  in  the  religious  life  of  a  people,  especially 
when  it  is  emotional,  is  frequently  associated  with  an 
increase  in  sexual  laxity. 

The  statistics  quoted  are  quite  inconsistent  with  the 
first  contention  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  locally  there 
was  a  sharp  and  continued  rise  in  illegitimacy  from  1805 
to  L840.  It  is  regrettable  that  since  1840  the  figures  have 
shown  a  still  more  marked  upward  tendency. 

My  own  view  has  always  been  that  a  rise  in  the  figures 
of  illegitimacy  is  concomitant  with  the  rise  of  insurgent 
new  ideas  in  the  world  of  intelligence,  coming  into  con- 
flict  with  old  established  ones.  As  soon  as  such  new  ideas 
become  the  catch-phrases  of  the  market-place,  there  is 
frequently  a  revolution  in  religious  outlook  (which  may 
be  super-religious,  if  I  may  use  such  a  term,  or  anti- 
religious),  and  pari  passu  with  the  resulting  break  away 
from  old  sanctions  and  disciplines,  there  is  a  distinct  de- 
cadence  in  the  standard  of  sexual  morality.  It  is  not  that 
sexual  inmiorality  is  a  necessary  outcome  of  emotional 
religion,  or  of  a  repudiation  of  religion  ;  but  the  two  are 
separate  facets  of  the  same  general  insurgent  movement 
operating  on  a  populace  which  thinks  it  can  think,  but 
cannot  discipline  itself.  The  local  facts  seem  to  cor- 
roborate  that  view. 

One  interesting  fact  of  a  non-statistical  nature  emerges 
fiom  the  registers  of  1760-8.     During  that  period,  a  few 


Thc  Importance  anci  Va!ue  of  Local  Records.    179 

(L)uakers,  who  had  hitherto  formed  a  strong  body  locally, 
were  admitted  into  the  Church.  They  were  as  a  rule 
young  people.  The  Quaker  community  diminished  greatly 
as  time  went  on,  partly  by  emigration,  and  partly,  appar- 
ently,  by  reception  into  the  Church.  The  Church,  in  í'act, 
had  a  greater  appeal  to  Quakers  than  Presbyterianism, 
which  was  far  more  intolerant  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
than  the  Established  Church  ever  was.  By  1840  the 
community  had  practically  ceased  to  exist  in  the  inimedi- 
ate  neighbourhood. 

Tn  addition  to  the  registers  referred  to  already,  there 
is  a  rare  type  of  register,  called  the  "  Eegister  booke  of 
the  parish  of  Dolgelley  in  the  County  of  Merioneth,  pro- 
vided  by  vertue  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  burying  in 
woollen  ". 

It  opens  in  1678  ;  and  the  following  is  the  nornial 
entry  : — 

"J.  W.  was  buried  the  12th  day  of  January.  1  received 
an  affidavit,  the  18th  day  of  January,  1678/9,  made  by  E.  E., 
&  subscribed  by  W.  P.  A:  E.  E.  witnesses,  &  taken  before 
&  subscribed  by  R.  A.  Esq,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace 
of  this  County  of  Merioneth,  that  the  above  registered  J.  W. 
was  buried  in  woollen  onely,  according  to  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment  entitled,  An  Act  for  burying  in  woollen." 

This  legislative  enactment  was  passed  with  a  view  to 
encourage  the  woollen  trade  ;  but  the  observance  of  its 
provisions  was  neglected,  as  time  went  on,  and  eventually 
the  Act  was  repealed,  I  think,  in  the  reign  of  George  II. 
At  any  rate,  in  Dolgelley,  it  was  observed  up  to  1693.  In 
J694  it  was  very  largely  ignored  ;  in  1695  its  provisions 
were  once  more  enforced,  but,  thereafter,  it  ceased  entirely 
to  be  regarded. 

A  very  interesting  memo  was  inserted  in  the  registers 
of  1776.  The  parish  of  4}olgelley,  having  been  a  Crown 
living,  escaped  the  appropriation  to  lay  hands  on  the  great 


180   The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

rectorial  tithes,  an  appropriation  which  was  one  of  the 
characteristics  of  the  Reformation.  Nearly  every  parish, 
if  not  every  one,  in  Merioneth,  attached  to  the  Bangor 
Diocese,  save  Dolgelley,  suffered  by  having  its  tithes 
diverted  into  others  hands  than  the  parochial  church  in 
the  sixteenth  century. 

In  1776,  the  Bishop  of  the  Diocese  paid  a  visitation  to 

Dolgelley  ;  and  one  of  the  results  was  the  insertion  of  a 

'  terrier  "  of  the  Dolgelley  tithes  in  the  Parish  Register. 

It  is  of  soine  value  as  showing  how  tithes  were  assessed 

in  the  locality  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  "  terrier  "  runs  thus  : — 

"  A  true  Note  and  Terrier  uf  the  Parish  and  Parisli 
Church  of  Dolgelley,  in  the  County  of  Merioneth  and  Diocese 
of  Bangor,  made  this  22nd  day  of  July,  1776,  by  the  appoint- 
ment  of  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  God,  John,  Lord  Bishop 
of  Bangor,  and  exhibited  at  his  Primary  Visitation  held  at 
Dolgelley  in  the  said  County  and  Diocese  aforesaid,  upon  the 
29th  day  of  July,  1776. 

"  Imprimis,  the  Township  of  Brithdir  Ucha  pays  tithe  in 
kind  of  ererything,  excepting  Hay.  In  consideration  for  which 
there  is  four  pence  from  every  tenement  paid  yearly  to  the 
Rector,  penny  and  half  penny  for  every  Milch  cow,  one  penny 
from  every  Mare  and  Fole.  The  township  of  Brithdir  Issa 
pays  the  same. 

"  The  township  of  Garthcynfawr  lihewise  the  same,  ex- 
cepting  Gwanas,  which  claims  an  exemption  from  tithe  by 
paying  fortj*  shillings  a  year,  and  the  moduses  hereafter  men- 
tioned,  a  meadow  called  Dolship  pays  yearly  four  shillings ; 
Cae  maesdylaran  pays  two  shillings  and  sixpence ;  Caepen- 
bontyraran  pays  four  shillings.  Doluwcheogryd  meadow  pays 
three  pounds  for  tithe  corn  only.  Dolgelley  meadow,  called 
Maesmawr,  pays  twenty  shillings  a  year,  from  every  garden 
two  pence.     Item  the  tithe  of  Lambs  in  their  proper  kind. 

"  There  is  no  Modus  in  the  Township  of  Dyffrydan,  but 
pays  tithe  in  kind  of  everytliing.  Neither  does  the  Township 
(if  Cefnrowen  claim  any  Modus,  but  pays  tithe  in  kind  as 
before  mentioned. 

"  So  Hkewise  does  the  Township  of  Dolgledar,  excepting 
the  Moduses  called  Werndaufach,  Werglodd  gron,  and  Wer- 
glodd  gudd,  belonging  to  Glynmalden,  which  pay  yearly  eleven 


The  Importance  and  Vahic  of  Local  Records.    18  i 

shillings,    and    Pontbrencarreg,    which    belongs    to    Hengwrt, 
pays  tbree  shillings." 

[The  meadow  Maesmawr,  formerly  oalled  Dolgelley,  is  the 
parent  of  the  town's  name.] 

A  few  miscellaneous  papers  in  the  Church  records 
thiow  light  on  local  affairs. 

The  parish  of  Dolgelley,  originally  of  far  greater  area 
than  it  is  to-day.  has  had  three  other  parochial  charges 
carved  out  of  it,  namely,  Bryncoedifor  in  August,  1853, 
Brithdir  and  Islawdref  in  Octoher,  1896,  and  Arthog  (a 
portion)  in  July,  1914. 

The  foundation  of  the  present  Grammar  School  by  Dr. 
Ellis  dates  back  to  the  seventeenth  century  ;  but  neither 
his  will,  nor  any  other  documents  relative  to  his  endow- 
ment  are  traceable  in  the  Church  records.  In  1727,  Mr. 
Elis  Lewis,  then  Rector  of  Ruthin,  endowed  the  School 
with  a  tenement  called  Cilgwyn  in  Denbighshire,  and  the 
title  deeds  of  that  property,  dating  back  to  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII,  are  in  Church  custody. 

The  School  was,  of  course,  originally  a  Church  school, 
founded  and  endowed  by  clergymen  of  the  Church  ;  but 
it  came  later  under  the  Intermediate  Education  scheme. 
These  deeds  continue  in  Church  custody  for  a  peculiar 
reason . 

The  testator  endowed  the  School  with  certain  sums, 
including  £50  from  the  Cilgwyn  estate,  "  towards  build- 
ing  a  Free  School  ".  The  site  of  what  is  still  called  the 
"  Old  Grammar  School  "  was  bought  in  1728  for  £5  5s. 
out  of  the  £50,  and  the  rest  of  the  legacy  was  apparently 
applied  to  building  the  school-house.  It  was  maintained 
and  repaired  by  the  Church,  and  finally  restored  in  or 
about  1857  ;  but  with  the  passing  of  the  Intermediate 
Education  Act,  the  building  and  site  were  taken  over  by 
the  Board  of  Education  without  compensation  to  the 
Church.  The  Church  was,  however,  accorded  the  privilege 


182    The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records. 

of  buying  back  its  own  property  in  1912  for  the  sum  of 
A'14'2,  the  equivalent  of  the  highest  oíf'er  made  for  it  at 
public  auction.   Hence  the  retention  of  the  old  title  deeds. 

Other  property  of  the  Church  comprises  the  site  of  the 
National  School,  given  by  Sir  R.  W.  Vaughan  in  1844; 
the  site  of  the  Rectory,  bought  in  1870  for  £319  ;  the 
Rectory  house,  built  by  subscriptions  of  members  of  the 
Church  since  1870  ;  Henfelin,  a  kind  of  class-room,  bought 
in  1874  for  £10,  with  the  intention  of  starting  a  "  ragged 
school  "  there,  and  bought  on  trust  '  for  the  creation  of 
a  school  thereon,  or  on  some  part  thereof,  for  the  educa- 
tion  of  children,  &  for  such  other  use  or  purpose  in  con- 
nection  with  the  Parish  Church  of  Dolgelley,  as  shall  be 
for  the  benefit  of  the  children  or  other  inhabitants  of  the 
said  Town  &  parish  "  ;  and  the  site  of  the  graveyard,  con- 
veyed  to  the  Church  in  1793  by  Griffith  ap  Hywel 
Vaughan  of  Hengwrt  for  10s.,  and  consecrated  in  1814. 

Save  the  inconsiderable  Faenol  Charity,  which  is  dis- 
tributed  at  Christmas  to  the  poor  of  Dolgelley,  these 
properties,  being  '  modern  endowments",  are  all  that 
have  survived  the  holocanst  of  the  Disestablishment  and 
Disendowment  Act.       '  Sic  transeunt  bona  Ecclesiae  ". 

VII.    Conclüsion. 

There  are  many  small  matters,  in  addition  to  those 
referred  to  above,  touched  on  in  the  Vestry  Registers, 
and  it  would  be  possible  to  afford  further  information  on 
several  points  by  resort  to  other  material. 

The  object,  however,  of  this  resumé  is  to  draw  aften- 
tion  to  the  fact  that  in  our  parish  vestry  registers  in  Wales 
there  is  an  important  source  of  information  regarding  the 
life  of  the  land  a  century  or  so  ago,  a  time  when  the 
national  life  was,  for  good  or  for  evil,  passing  through  a 
crncible.     Many  ideas  of  the  most  inaccurate  kind  have 


The  Importance  and  Vahtc  of  Local  Rccords.    183 

been  and  are  still  prevalent  as  to  the  state  of  the  land  in 
those  days,  and  these  ideas  can  only  be  corrected  by  refer- 
ence  to  matter  of'  fact  contemporary  documents. 

The  material  is  worth  collecting,  and  anybody  with 
a  modicum  of  intellig'ence  can  collect  it.  Without  seeking 
to  reproduce  every  detail,  it  is  easy  to  extract  and  reduce 
to  order  everything  that  is  germane  to  local  history  and 
conditions  contained  in  these  registers. 

Some  churches  have  already  lost  their  Vestry  Regis- 
ters,  and  it  is  possible  that,  in  course  of  time,  many  more 
will  go  the  way  of  our  mediaeval  records.  It  is  worth  sug- 
gesting  to  our  incumbents,  curates,  local  schoolmasters, 
or  others  interësted  in  the  past,  that  they  might  go  throngh 
their  parish  registers  on  lines  similar  to  those  adopted  in 
this  article,  and  thereby  add  to  our  present  sources  of 
knowledge  a  by  no  means  unimportant  additional  item. 

In  addition  to  the  historical  interest,  there  is  the 
pschyological  one  of'  community  action,  of'  local  govern- 
ment,  wherein  incompetence,  corruption,  lust  for  power, 
and  jealousy  perpetually  play  their  part.  They  are  oft- 
times  the  mainspring  of'  human  action.  '  Tempora 
mutantur  :  sed  mores?  " 


184   The  Imfiortance  anci  Value  of  Local  Records. 


APPENDIX  I. 


No 

.  of  Paupers  Approximate 

Pooi 

r  Rate 

Estimated 

ííear. 

Newly 

Total  of  New 

in 

the 

Total 

Relieved. 

Expendi 

ture. 

e 

Annual  Burden 

£   s. 

d. 

s. 

d. 

£   s. 

d. 

1795 

154 

298  2 

1 

8 

0 

720  0 

0 

1796 

150 

368  12 

8 

8 

0 

720  0 

0 

1797 

142 

325  15 

2 

8 

0 

862  10 

0 

(plus 

speeial  county 

rate  1 

7 

1798 

92 

239  2 

10 

7 

6 

675  0 

0 

1799 

77 

199  7 

6 

1 

0 

630  0 

0 

1800 

250 

879  13 

10 

9 

0 

845  0 

0 

1801 

262 

871  8 

6 

15 

6  (5  levies) 

1575  0 

0 

(plus  special 

rate  2 

0 

1802 

127 

251  7 

1 

11 

0 

990  0 

0 

1803 

51 

210  3 

6 

8 

6 

765  0 

0 

1804 

29 

110  4 

9 

9 

0 

810  0 

0 

1805 

35 

144  0 

0 

9 

0 

810  0 

0 

1800 

26 

88  15 

6 

8 

0 

720  0 

0 

1807 

22 

77  19 

6 

9 

6 

845  0 

0 

1808 

16 

94  6 

0 

10 

0 

900  0 

0 

1809 

21 

109  5 

6 

10 

0 

900  0 

0 

1810 

36 

141  13 

0 

11 

0 

990  0 

0 

1811 

26 

125  11 

0 

10 

0 

900  0 

0 

1812 

56 

236  9 

0 

12 

6 

1125  0 

0 

1813 

68 

350  7 

9 

14 

6 

1305  0 

0 

1814 

40 

209  18 

8 

14 

6 

1305  0 

0 

1815 

19 

111  12 

6 

13 

6 

1215  0 

0 

1816 

117 

338  19 

6 

11 

0 

990  0 

0 

1817 

136 

521  16 

0 

17 

3 

1556  0 

0 

1818 

138 

446  13 

0 

16 

0 

1440  0 

0 

1819 

85 

273  2 

6 

13 

6 

1215  0 

0 

1820 

61 

189  19 

0 

14 

6 

1305  0 

0 

1821 

63 

208  0 

2 

13 

6 

1215  0 

0 

1822 

82 

216  16 

0 

10 
1 

6 
0 

1035  0 

0 

1823 

156 

403  7 

0 

12 

6 

1125  0 

0 

1824 

96 

261  14 

10 

13 

3 

1192  10 

0 

1825 

75 

177  0 

8 

14 

0 

1260  0 

0 

1826 

121 

286  15 

0 

14 

6 

1665  0 

0 

(plus  special  levy  4 

0 

1827 

123 

160  6 

0 

16 

0 

1440  0 

0 

1828 

143 

330  9 

3 

15 

8 

1410  0 

0 

1829 

172 

413  7 

0 

16 

9 

1507  10 

0 

1830 

151 

359  11 

0 

16 

0 

1440  0 

0 

The  Importance  and  Value  of  Local  Records.    185 


\( 

».  of  Paupers 

Approximate 

Bor.  Rate 

Estimated 

fear. 

Newly 

Total  of  New 

in  the 

Total 

Relieved. 

Expenditure. 

£ 

Annual  Burden 

£      s.  d. 

s.  d. 

£      s.  d. 

1831 

283 

391  19     6 

16     3 

1462  10     0 

1832 

115 

279     5     6 

12     9 

1530     0     0 

1833 

76 

234  12     0 

12  10 

1540     0     0 

1834 

95 

217     9  10 

12     8 

1520     0     0 

1835 

99 

279  11  10 

12     4 

1480     0     0 

1836 

133 

234  17     9 

12     4 

1480     0     0 

1837 

(one  quarter  only) 

2     3 

NOTE 

-Where  the  fi 

gures  of  rates 

difFer  from  those 

given  in  my 

book  on 

"  Dolgelley  and  Llanelltyd  "  it 

is  due  to  the 

computal 

ion  in  the   one 

-  by   "  calendar  " 

year,   in  the 

other  by 

"  finaneial  "  year,  wliich  began 

and  ended  on 

Mav  12th. 


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i88  A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales 

(2jt  Çècottíeÿ  ^urgeon  tn  1(?afee  tn  í0e 
éêmntuntfy  £tntmy>. 

By  MARJORIE  FOLJAMBE  HALL,  F.R.Hist.S. 

The  Unẁersity  of  Licerpool. 


Whrn  Sir  Thomas  Browne,  the  distinguished  physician 
and  man  of  letters — author  of  the  Religio  Medici — in  a 
letter  to  his  son,  referred  to  the  incorporation,  in  1682, 
of  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  Edinburgh,  he 
observed  :  "  I  doubt  the  English  will  not  like  the  setting 
up  a  colledge  of  physitians  in  Scotland  .  .  .  If  they  set  up 
a  colledge  and  breed  many  physitians,  we  shall  be  sure  to 
have  a  greate  part  of  them  in  England  ' ' . 

It  is  known,  however,  that  Scottish  physicians  had 
practised  in  this  country  long  before  the  foundation  of  the 
College  at  Edinburgh.  Since  James  the  First's  reign 
Scotsmen  had  crossed  the  Border,  and  many  Scottish 
names  are  to  be  found  on  the  roll  of  the  London  College 
of  Physicians.  One  young  Scotsman  came  from  distant 
Aberdeen  to  practise  the  healing  art  among  the  Welsh 
people. 

Alexander  Reid  (Read,  Rhead,  Rede  or  Rheadus), 
Scóto-Brittanus ,  as  he  describes  himself,  is  said  to  have 
been  born  somewhere  about  the  year  1586.  There  are, 
however,  reasons  for  believing  the  date  to  be  1580,  or  even 
earlier,  because  in  the  preface  to  his  Chirurgicall  Lectures 
of  tumors  and  ulcers  (1634)  Reid  says  that  he  had  prac- 
tised  "  Physick  and  Chirurgery  now  42  years  ". 

He  belonged  to  a  singularly  gifted  family.  His  father, 
James   Reid,   was   minister  of   Banchory   Ternan,    near 


in  the  Seventeenth  Century.  189 

Aberdeen.  Alexander  was  the  third  son.  The  second, 
Thomas,  afterwards  became  Latin  Secretary  to  James  the 
First.  Like  his  brother  AIexander,  Thomas  Eeid  was  a 
generous  patron  of  the  city  of  Aberdeen,  bequeathing  his 
collection  of  books,  together  with  the  sum  of  six  thousand 
marks,  to  the  town  and  new  College.  íle  died  in  16-24. 
By  his  Will,  dated  19th  May  of  the  same  year,  Thomas 
also  left  the  sum  of  four  thousand  marks  to  his  brother 
Alexander,  together  with  his  "  best  Cloack,  having  six 
Laces,  lined  with  Plush  ".1 

Alexander  Reid's  life  may  be  said  to  fall  into  three 
main  periods  :  his  early  life  in  Scotland  ;  his  career  as 
a  country  physician  in  Chester  and  North  Wales  ;  and, 
finally,  his  professional  and  literary  career  in  Ijondon. 

Of  his  early  life  in  Scotland  nothing  is  known.  That 
he  afterwards  cherished  a  deep  affection  for  his  native 
town  may  be  seen  from  a  letter  written  in  1633,  in  which 
he  refers  to  his  life  at  Aberdeen  as  ' '  the  most  cairles  and 
contented  part  of  my  Lyiff  ".2  Sir  D'Arcy  Power,  in  his 
article  on  Reid  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
informs  us  that  Reid  received  his  early  education  from  his 
father,  and  that  he  afterwards  proceeded  to  the  Marischal 
College  at  Aberdeen,  where  he  graduated  M.A.  about  the 
year  1600.  The  records  of  the  College  are  unfortunately 
defective  for  that  period  and,  although  it  is  highly  pro- 
bable  that  Reid  became  a  student  there,  the  presumption 
does  not  appear  to  be  supported  by  documentary  evidence. 

Whatever  may  be  the  actual  facts  concerning  Reid"s 
early  education,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  studied  surgery 
at  the  great  medical  schools  in  France,  and  that  he 
travelled  widely  throughout  Italy  and  Bohemia.  We  have 
the  authority  of  his  own  works  for  this  statement.    In  his 

1  Anderson.    Fasti   Acad.   Mariseall.   Aberdon.   I,    p.    195. 

2  ibid,  p.  228. 


igo  A  Scottish  Surgeon  i/i  Wales 

Treatise  on  wounds,1  writing  on  the  subject  of  snake-bites, 
he  observes  :  "  When  I  travelled  in  Boheraia,  the  Earl  of 
Eosenberg  the  younger,  during  the  summer  time  did  eat 
the  flesh  of  adders  for  the  preservation  of  the  sight  and 
the  staying  of  old  age  ". 

On  his  return  from  abroad  Eeid  set  up  in  practice  at 
Holt,  on  the  borders  of  Wales.  The  exact  date  of  his 
appearance  in  the  Principality  is  not  known,  though  it 
was  probably  about  the  year  1600,  or  even  earlier. 

The  circumstances  which  led  to  his  association  with 
that  country  are  somewhat  obscure.  It  is  possible  that 
during  his  travels  he  may  have  come  into  contact  with 
youthful  representatives  of  one  or  other  of  the  prominent 
Welsh  families,  making  the  Grand  Tour  through  France 
and  Italy.  Eloquent  in  praise  of  the  great  physicians  of 
Myddfai,  these  young  men  may  conceivably  have  depre- 
ciated  the  abilities  of  the  local  Welsh  practitioners,  at  the 
same  time  emphasizing  the  need  for  just  such  a  skilled 
physician  and  surgeon  as  Eeid  himself  professed  to  be. 

Letters  of  the  period  would  seem  to  confirm  this  hypo- 
thesis,  and  the  skill  of  the  W^elsh  physician  is  challenged 
by  more  than  one  writer.  '  I  find  all  our  Chirurions  un- 
willinge  to  meddle  with  me  in  regard  I  had  beene  in  cure 
att  London  ",  writes  one,  and  adds,  rather  severely,  "  I 
thinke  that  is  but  an  excuse  to  colour  their  insumciency  ".2 
Sir  Eoger  Mostyn,  in  a  letter  written  between  1606  and 
1611,  comments  upon  the  illness  of  Sir  John's  married 
daughter,  Mary  Bodvel,  and  is  convinced  that  her  phy- 
sician  Sir  Thomas  [Williams]  "  knoweth  no  more  of  her 
estate  than  [the  writer]  ".  "  I  remember  well  ",  he  con- 
tinues,  '  that  when  ray  wyeffe  being  sicke  of  the  first 
chylde,  he  cam  to  her  and  would  needes  perswade  us  that 

1  Lecture  14. 

-  National  Library  t»f  Wales.     Llewenny  Paper,  No.  3.   107. 


in  the  Seuenteenth  Century.  191 

she  was  not  with  chylde  .  .  .  so  that  I  conclude  that  his 

cominge  fitteth  him  better  to  deserne  my  cosin  Nell  Powell 
Fcbricula  [fever]  than  my  systers  infirmitye  ".1  As  a 
sequel  to  this  experience  we  gather  from  one  of  Eead's 
letters  that  he  was  eventualiy  called  in  to  prescribe  for  the 
lady.2 

At  that  period  it  was  not  unusual  for  the  gentry  living 
in  remote  country  districts  to  consult  one  or  other  of  the 
eminent  London  physiciàns  by  correspondence.  This  was 
especially  the  case  in  Wales,  where  doubtless  the  skilled 
physician  was  harder  to  come  by  than  in  England.  The 
patient  compiled  a  list  of  his  symptoms,  leaving  blank 
spaces  for  the  specialist's  written  opinion. 

Although  it  would  seem  that  the  country  districts  of 
England  and  Wales  alike,  experienced  a  need  for  the 
qualified  physician,  the  balance  of  probability  is  strongly 
in  favour  of  the  view  that  seventeenth  century  Wales 
suffered  more  than  England  from  this  insufficiency.  Manv 
Welsh  names,  it  is  true,  are  inscribed  on  the  rolls  of  the 
Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  London.  Dr.  George 
Owen,  for  example,  was  physician  to  Queen  Elizabeth  and 
held  the  office  of  President  of  the  College  in  1553/4. 
MatthewT  Gwynne,  the  first  Professor  of  Physic  at  Gres- 
ham  College,  Oxford,  belonged  to  an  old  Welsh  family  ; 
and  there  are  others.  It  is,  however,  significant  that  these 
eminent  men  practised  their  profession  beyond  the  con- 
fines  of  their  own  country.  There  were,  of  course,  certain 
physicians,  such  as  Sir  Thomas  Williams,  William  Salus- 
bury  of  Rûg,  and  the  descendants  of  the  family  of  Myddfai, 
who  resided  in  their  own  country  ;  but,  with  the  exccp- 
tion  of  the  physicians  of  Myddfai,  these  would  appear 
primarily  to  have  been  men  of  letters,  and  nearer  akin 

1  National  Library  of  Wales.     Wynn  Papers,  No.  58U. 

2  See  below,  p.   196. 


i92  A  Scottish  Surgeon  iu  Wales 

to  the  tribe  of  herbalists  and  quacks  who  infested  the 
country  districts  of  England  and  Wales. 

In  his  preface  to  Owen  Wood's  "  Alphabeticall  book 
of  physicall  Secrets  '  (1639),  Reid  reviles  those  "  bold 
knaves  and  impudent  Queanes  "  who  "  meddle  with  the 
practise  of  Physick,  to  the  utter  ruine  of  no  small  number 
of  rude  and  improvident  persons,  who  coinmit  themselves 
to  the  Skill  and  Cure  of  such  unworthy  persons.  That  this 
is  truth  ",  he  adds,  "  the  manifold  complaints  which  come 
to  the  Physicians'  Colledge,  when  the  Fellowes  sit,  doe 
make  good  ". 

It  is  therefore  highly  probable  that  the  advent  of  such 
a  man  as  Eeid,  fresh  from  the  great  medical  schools  of  the 
Continent,  would  create  something  of  a  stir  in  Wales. 
WTith  his  headquarters  at  Holt  and  Chester,  Reid's  prac- 
tice  extended  throughout  the  greater  part  of  North  Wales, 
and  his  clientèle  comprised  a  number  of  the  leading 
Denbighshire  families.  Doubtless  the  local  doctors  were 
jealous  enough  when  they  saw  their  patrons  competing 
for  the  newcomer's  services.  "  I  had  thought  to  have  sent 
Mr.  Reade  to  have  conferred  with  you  ",  writes  Sir  Roger 
Mostyn  in  1609,  '  but  he  telleth  me  .  .  .  he  hath  a 
cure  upon  his  hand  whearin  his  creditt  is  farre  engaged  ".1 
While,  in  another  letter,  Mostyn  writes  :  "  I  will  myself 
ride  to  Dr.  Lobell,2  if  Read  be  not  to  bc  had  ".3 

The  story  of  Reid's  dispute  with  Sir  Thomas  Williams 

1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  523. 

2  Matthias  de  L'Obel,  the  famous  Flemish  botanist.  In  a  Book 
of  Memoranda  of  Sir  John  Wynn  of  Gwydir,  whieh  is  amongst 
the  Wynn  Papers  (No.  732),  there  is  a  "  Recipe  for  '  The  maldng 
of  right  good  Metheglin  '  by  Doctor  Lobell,  a  netherlander,  in 
anno  1610."  L'Obel  died  in  1616.  His  "  Stirpium  Ulustrationes," 
edited  by  William  How,  was  printed  in  1655.  The  original  MS. 
copy  contains  some  eulogistic  verses  by  "  Alexander  Rhedus  " 
[Reid]  of  which  the  last  eight  lines  were  never  published.  See 
Gunther,  Early  British  Botanists,  p.  252. 

3  Wynn  Papers,  No.  580. 


in  the  Seventeenth  Century.  193 

affords  an  interesting  example  of  this  professional  jealousy. 
It  must  be  assumed  that  the  "  Sir  Thom.  W."  referred  to 
in  Reid's  letter,  is  the  famous  lexicographer  Sir  Thomas 
Williams,  who  at  that  time  practised  medicine  in  Den- 
bighshire.  We  have  already  seen  that  his  professional 
skill  had  been  questioned  by  Sir  Boger  Mostyn,  who 
advised  Sir  John  Wynn  to  send  for  the  Scottish  physician. 

The  affair  begins  when  Reid,  at  the  instigation  of  Sir 
Roger  Mostyn,  wrote  to  Sir  John  Wynn  in  a  professional 
capacity.  The  letter,  dated  lOth  March,  1609/ 10, l  com- 
mences  with  a  careful  diagnosis  of  the  worthy  knight's 
complaint.  Then  follows  the  prescription,  an  "  operative 
julep  ",  compounded  of  the  usual  simples.  This  letter  is 
endorsed  with  a  brief  note  from  Sir  Roger  (who  appears 
to  have  been  a  powerful  ally  of  Reid's),  urging  his  father- 
in-law  to  follow  the  doctor's  instructions.  '  I  had  thought 
to  have  sent  Mr.  Reade  to  have  conferred  with  you  ",  he 
writes,  "  but  he  telleth  me,  by  beinge  with  you,  can  advise 
you  no  further  than  he  doth  by  letter.  Yett,  if  you  please, 
the  next  weeke  I  will  send  him  to  you  ". 

Thereupon,  Sir  John  sent  the  prescription  to  Sir 
Thomas  Williams,  desiring  '  his  furtherance  for  the 
making  of  ye  julep  ",  for  Williams  would  seem  to  have 
had  a  fair  lmowledge  of  local  herbs.  In  Sir  John  Salus- 
bury's  annotated  copy  of  Gerard's  "  Herbal  "  there  is  a 
note  that  "  Mr.  Thos.  Williames,  Clarke  and  physician, 
sent  it  [Parnassia  yalustris~\  mee  Sir  John  Salusbury, 
knight,  for  another  herb.  It  groweth  in  a  meade  of  Sir 
Jolm  Winn,  Knight  ".2 

The  jealous  eye  of  the  Welsh  doctor  was  quiek  to  note 
the  weak  points  in  his  rival's  prescription.  The  Scotsman, 
ignorant  of  local  conditions,  had  prescribed  simples  which 
were  not  to  be  found  in  that  part  of  the  country  !     He 

1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  523.  2  See  Gunther,  p.  243. 


194  -A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales 

immediately  makes  Sir  John  acquainted  with  this  fact. 
Again,  Reid  does  not  appear  to  have  favoured  the  adminis- 
tration  of  rhubarb  as  a  remedy.  Williams  therefore  urges 
its  use  !  The  correspondence  between  Sir  John  Wynn  and 
Sir  Thomas  W'illiams  is  unfortunately  lost ;  but  we  have 
the  whole  story  from  Reid  himself,  whose  indignation  at 
this  uncalled  for  criticism  finds  expression  in  three  closely 
written  foolscap  pages  of  a  letter,  dated  17th  April,  1610, 
and  addressed  to  Sir  John  Wynn  of  Gwydir1  : — 

X.s.  Right  woorshipfull  yor  lettir  1  receaued  after  ìny  comming 

from  Cheshire  xiii  day  of  this  moneth  aceompanied  with  a 
testimonie  of  your  woonted  favour.  And  as  I  was  exceeding 
glade  to  here  of  your  securitie,  so  it  greeued  me  to  under- 
stand  that  your  woonted  streyngth  did  not  returne  even 
acording  to  your  owin  wishe.  Becaus  I  am  willing  to  shew 
my  self  in  any  thing,  but  chefely  in  yt  which  concerneth  your 
owin  welfayre,  alwayee  ready  (as  I  am  bownd)  to  fulfil  your 
woorships  desyre,  I  made  what  hast  I  cowld  to  send  wnto  you 
the  julep.  Receaue  it  therefore,  which  I  wishe  may  do  yow 
as  much  good  as  I  cowld  desyre  at  Goddis  handis.  The  simples, 
I  assure  yow,  were  exceeding  good,  for  I  had  them  of  my  owen, 
&  in  ye  mahing  I  tooke  that  care  which  was  fittest  to  be  taken 
for  such  a  one  as  one  much  revered.  Take  of  this,  becaus  it 
is  strong  of  the  simples,  iiii  ounces  about  v  a  clock  in  ye  morn- 
ing,  warme,  &  sleep  afterward  ;  &  so  much  about  iiii  a  clock 
in  ye  afternoone,  cowld.  According  to  ye  benefit  yow  reape 
by  it  (which  I  hoape  wilbe  soone)  your  woorship  may  continew 
the  use  of  it.  I  bowldly  affirme  it  to  be  more  lykely  to  doo 
gocd  then  your  medical  bere,  the  use  whereof  yo""  woorship 
shal  fynd  by  taking  of  it  to  subvert  yor  stomach.  The  lettir 
contayning  the  description  of  the  state  of  yor  body  I  cowld 
not  as  yit  fynd  out ;  when  I  fynd  it  I  wil  send  it.  In  your 
woorships  last  lettir  a  fownd  enclosed  a  brefe  schedul  of  your 
owin  to  Sr  Thomas  AYilliams,  wherein  yow  desyre  his  further- 
ance  for  the  malung  of  ye  julep.  His  answer  I  redde  wryten 
upon  the  back  of  it.  But  becaus  in  it  I  perceaued  a  selfe 
looue,  a  disdayne  of  others,  &  a  censuring  humor,  here  brefely 
I  wil  examin  every  poynt  of  it.  Xow  first  of  al,  to  cloake  his 
unwilHngnes  to  meddle  with  anything  prescrihed  by  others,  as 
showld  seme,  he  taketh  occasion  presumptuously  to  enter  to 
ye  examination  of  my  recept.     But  fayne  would  I  know  why 


1  Wynn  Papers,  No.  527. 


ìn  the  Seventeenth  Century.  195 

his  charitie  wil  not  suffer  a  poore  body  to  passe  by  his  doore 
if  he  wil  bestow  no  almes?     But  let  us  here  what  he  can  say. 
The    rootes    of    grasse    are    prescribed.     Go    too !     But    there 
are   divers    kyndes    of    grasse,    it   is    trew,    more   then    ather 
Mathwlus,1,   Dodonaus2  or  Lobelius3   as  yit  have   sett  downe, 
as  I  can  prooue  when  occasion   shal  be  offered.     What  then  ? 
There   is  a   dowbt  left  what  kynd  of  grasse  rootis   are  to   be 
taken.     What  doeth  this  trowble  a  master  wnto  ye  which  every 
apotheearies  boy  wil  readely  answer?    Is  not  this  familiar  to  al 
pragmaticks  by  a  trope,  to  wit,  synecdoche?    Generis  pro  spccie 
to  use  ye  denomination  of  the  general  for  the  special,  as  K  rad. 
aperitiu.,  being  notwithstanding  farre  more  aperittiue  rootis 
then    are    used    by    ye    apothecaries.       The    right    is    grarnen 
canarium,    quick    grass,    which    the    husbandman    unwillingly 
seeth   wheusoevir  he  harroweth.     But   becaus,   Sr  Thomas,   al 
corne  by  yow  is  not  winter  corne,  yow   might  have  fownd  it 
wheresoevir  harrowing  was  for  oatis  or  barley.     He  sayeth,  in 
lyke  maner,  that  your  tract  wil  not  afford  the  other  simples. 
There  is  agrimonie  enough  everywhere  in  the  dew  season,  which 
I  marvel  he  can  lake ;  yea,  &  hartis  towng,  &  mayden  hayre 
about  Denbich  castel  (if  not  in  jour  owin  rockis) ;  sorel,  persley 
rootis,   fennil   rootis,   succorie  &   borrage   rootis   in  your  owin 
garden,  liquirice  &  anise  seedis  (I  make  no  dowbt)  at  hoame. 
Thus  one  may  see  his  dealing.    Neverthelesse,  he  referreth  the 
making  of  it  to  me,  but  apoynteth  the  place,  Chestir  to  wit. 
I  would  he  showld  know,  first  of   al,   that  I  wil  use  none  of 
there  ineffectual  owld  simpJes  to  anyone  of  woorth,   secondly, 
that  I   wilbe   taught   by   no  apothecarie  in  England  to   make, 
acording  to  art,   any  composition.      I  admire   not   that   which 
sundrie  commend.     But  I  am  drawin  on  by  ye  fayre  tytle  of 
an  observation.     But   which  is  it?     Yor  woorship  is  hypatick 
&  not  splenetick  !     How  soo  ?     There  is  no  proofe,   wherefore 
guod  ratione  non   fulcitur,   cadem  facilitote  contemnitur  quá 
asseritur.     If  it  be  so,  why  are  his  simples  splenetical  rather 
than  hepatical?     That  wcormewood  is  stomachical  &  ceterach 
&  tamarish  splenetical  I  appel  to  Dioscorides1  &  al  practizers. 
Bchowld   what    fyne   harmonie   there   is   betwene   this   mannis 
theorie  ct  practice !      I  see  not  how,   when  twoe  members  are 

1  Matthiolus  or  Mattioli,  an  eminent  physician  and  botanist, 
born  at  Sienna  in  1501.     He  died  in  1577. 

2  Dodoens  or  Dodonaeu.s.  a  learned  physician  and  botanist,  born 
at  Mechlin  in  1517.    He  died  in  1585. 

3  Referred  to  above,  p.  192. 

4  Dioscorides,  of  Caesarea,  in  Cilicia,  who  lived  in  the  second  or 
fìrst  century  B.C.,  author  of  the  classical  "  Treatise  on  Materia 
Medica." 


196  A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales 

apoynted  for  one  use,  the  one  being  affected,  the  other  can 
be  free.  As,  for  example,  the  boanis  of  the  leggis  being  frac- 
tured,  tbe  muscules  must  also  suffer,  Now  the  liver  and  splen 
have  one  common  end,  sanguification.  "NYherefore  I  did  so 
temporat  my  description  yt  that  the  greater  part  of  the  simples 
revived  the  liuer.  To  discours  of  ye  jellow  jandice  at  large 
the  bowndis  of  one  epistel  wil  not  perinit.  From  hence,  he 
goeth  to  the  defence  of  the  ministration  of  Rheubarb,  ascrib- 
ing  ye  cure  of  the  jandice  wnto  it,  next  wnto  his  Lord,  as  if 
emongst  Christiaus  in  this  realme  there  [were]  more  then  one 
Lord,  although  there  be  sundre  sortis  (I  graunt)  of  woorship- 
ping.  He  is  behowlden  to  ye  puritans  for  this  phrase.  But  I 
pray  you,  Sr,  is  not  Rheubarb  a  purgatiue?  It  can  not  be 
denyed !  Now  seing  three  thinges  are  requisit  to  purge 
according  to  method :  The  streyngth  of  nature,  the  prepara- 
tion  of  the  humor  &  the  opennes  of  the  passages,  why  did  yow 
attempt  the  ministration  of  it  before  the  obstructions  were 
opened  ?  Doo  not  yow  say  yt  his  woorships  gale  did  ouerflow  ? 
And  is  not  this  becaus  ye  ductus  fellis,  inserted  into  ye 
duodenum,  was  stopped,  the  cistis  being  full?  Can  a  mil 
damme  ouerflow  unlesse  ye  sluice  be  shut?  What  that,  in  the 
end  of  your  observation,  yow  dreed  a  scirrhus  which  can  not 
be  imagined  wt  out  ane  obstruction,  nether  can  reason  permit 
to  beleve  that  one  potion  at  the  very  same  tyme  can  be  both 
preparatiue  &  purgatiue.  As  for  rheubarb,  ye  purgatiue  facultie 
of  it,  the  dose,  &  dyers  preparations  I  wil  undertahe  to  teach 
yow,  if  yow  wil  not  be  wilfullie  ignorant.  Whosoevir  hnoweth 
not  it,  &  sena  to  colour  the  urine,  is  ather  very  ignorant 
becaus  he  hnoweth  not,  or  negligent,  becaus  he  observeth 
not  if  he  be  a  practizer  of  physique.  The  lyke  happened  to 
your  woorship  (if  I  wel  remember)  a  lytle  before  I  came  to 
Gwyder  to  see  mres  Boadwel.  But  he  hastneth  to  ane  end, 
&  so  doo  I,  with  giuing  me  counsel  in  this  busines,  for  the 
which  I  howld  myself  nothing  at  al  behowlden  wnto  him. 
AVhat !  Must  I  use  al  aperitiues  ?  It  is  a  hard  mater.  They 
are,  in  there  latitude,  hidden  from  any  one  man,  if  not  from 
al.  He  nameth  some  lest  he  showld  seme  ignorant.  As  for 
asparagus,  seing  it  is  a  woord  signifying  many  thinges,  as 
one  may  reed  in  the  epistel  of  the  learned  Fallopius  to 
Mercurialis,  I  beseech  yow,  let  me  in  fcyndnes  ask  what 
signification  is  meant?  It  is  a  farre  liarder  mater  to  fynd 
now  the  usual  sperage  then  grasse  rootis.  Of  Ceterac  & 
Tamariseh  I  have  spoahen.  If  he  think  it  a  favour  to  sett  a 
man  at  work  I  willingly  wil  requyt  him  by  giuing  him  a  task 
(if  he  wil)  wliich  lie  shal  fynd  hard  enough  if  he  labour  to 
discharge  it.  Last  of  al,  to  answer  his  confident  Terentian 
proposition,    this   haue    I    resolued   to   doo :    ubicumque  fuero 


/;/  the  Seventeenth  Century.  197 

mentem  rationum  pondere  ìibrari  faeile  patiar;  non  item 
philautias  aut  contradicendi  reste  trdhi.  Si  auando  latebit 
veritas,  eam  ex  artis  principiis  deducere  conabor ;  per  modestam 
opinionum  coUationem  detractabo — sed  modestam.  Altercando 
amittitur  potius  reritas  quam  inrenitur.  Yor  Woorship  here 
seeth  yt  I  have  stayed  somewhat  to  long  in  the  examination 
of  Sr  Tliomas  his  answer  to  yonr  letter,  which  I  did  not  so 
much  becaus  it  towched  nie,  as  that  it  aymeth  at  a  course 
which  seemeth  best  to  be  taken  for  the  recouerie  of  your 
health,  wliich  I  wishe  may  be  shortly,  &  long  continew  to  the 
comfort  of  your  frendis  &  the  goocì  of  the  common  wealth  & 
your  owin  ofspring.  I  would  counsel  your  woorsliip  to  send  to 
London  for  Myrobaìani  Kébuli,  preserved.  The  Straytis  mer- 
chants  bring  them  ;  they  are  sowld  for  vs  a  pownd.  Being 
taken  after  meales,  &  at  other  tymes,  they  doo  exceedingly 
strengthen  the  noble  partis.  The  use  of  good  whyte  wyne  with 
borrage  water,  borrage  itself  &  sugar  is  convenient.  If  yow 
haue  not  borrage  water  use  spring  water,  boyled.  Tliese 
thinges  are  confirmed  by  experienoe  tfc  set  downe  by  the 
learned  Arnoldus  de  Yilla  nova'  in  his  treatishe  of  the  tarda- 
tion  of  owld  age.     Your  woorships  to  be  used  at  al  tymes. 

Alexandeu  Read. 
From  Guysannes  [Gwysaney?],  17  April,  1610. 
To  ye  right  woorshipfull  Sr  John  Wynn  of  Gwyder,  knight,  hls 
much  revered  frend,  deliver  this. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Reirì's  path  was  con- 
tinually  beset  with  disputes  of  this  nature.  Scattered 
thronghout  his  works  are  references  showing  how  pleasant 
must  have  been  his  association  with  the  Principality.  It 
can  be  stated  with  certainty  that  he  attended  Philip  Her- 
bert,  Earl  of  Montgomery,  and  fourth  Earl  of  Pembroke. 
In  his  "  Treatise  of  the  first  part  of  Chirurgerie  "  (1638), 
which  he  dedicates  to  the  Earl,  Eeid  says  : — "  When  I 
had  occasion  to  use  your  Honour  in  my  lawfull  busi- 
nesses  ".  Herbert  was  afterwards  created  Baron  Herbert 
of  Shurland,  in  the  Isle  of  Sheppey.    This  fact  would  pro- 

1  Arnold  de  Yilla  Nova  was  a  famous  physician  of  the  14th 
century.  He  practised  medicine  at  Paris.  He  extolled  Aqua 
ritae,  or  water  of  Life,  because  it  strengthens  the  body  and  pro- 
longs  life.  With  it  he  made  tinctures  of  herbs  and  regarded  these 
as  having  special  virtues. 


]  98  A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales 

bably  account  for  Reid's  visit  to  the  Isle,  because  in  one 
of  his  lectures  he  mentions  "  being  in  the  Ile  of  Sheppey, 
in  Minster  Street,  curing  one  Clover,  an  aged  man  ".1 

The  name  of  John  Egerton,  Earl  of  Bridgewater, 
Lord  President  of  Wales,  appears  in  the  dedication  to 
another  of  Reid's  works,2  and  aífords  a  further  link  with 
the  Principality. 

Thomas,  first  Baron  Gerard  of  Gerard's  Bromley,  was 
appointed  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Marches  of 
Wales  in  1G10/17.  In  his  "  Treatise  of  the  first  part  of 
Chirurgerie  '  (1038),  Reid  tells  ns  how,  shortly  after 
Gerard's  appointment,  he  received  a  sudden  call  to 
Gerard's  Bromley  to  attend  the  Lord  President's  tailor, 
who  had  sustained  a  serions  fracture. 

"  About  20  years  ago,"  he  relates,  "  returning  from  the 
Bath,  in  Somerset-shire,  to  the  Howlt,  five  miles  from  Chester, 
where  then  I  remained,  having  lodged  in  Newport  in  Shrop- 
shire  by  the  way  ;  I  was  called  by  this  Lord  Gerard's  grand- 
father  to  Gerard's  Bramley  [Gerard's  Bromley,  eo.  Staffs]  to 
take  a  view  of  his  Taylor,  who  had  fraetured  both  the  soucils 
of  the  legg,  a  little  below  the  knee,  about  the  breadth  of  a 
Palme.  When  I  did  behold  the  fracture  with  a  wound,  and 
the  extenuation  of  the  body,  for  the  accident  fell  out  ten 
weeks  before,  neither  were  the  bones  united,  and  besides 
there  was  a  great  tumour  in  the  knee,  I  pronounced  a  linger- 
ing  death  to  the  party,  unless  he  were  out  of  hand  dismem- 
bered  above  the  knee.  Being  entreated  by  the  sick  party,  and 
the  Earl,  to  perform  this  operation,  I  yielded  unto  their  re- 
quest ;  but  having  by  me  neither  instrument  nor  medicament, 
thus  I  supplyed  the  defect  of  both.  I  made  a  medicament  of 
Umber  and  unslaked  Lime,  taking  equal  parts  of  both,  which 
I  found  there,  the  house  then  being  in  reparation.  I  used  a 
Joyner's  whip-saw,  newly  toothed,  and  ...  I  dismembered  the 
Lord's  Taylor  .   .  .  who  lived  many  years  afterwards."3 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  Reid's  association 
wilh  Sir  John  Wynn  of  Gwydir  and  Sir  Roger  Mostyn. 
Another  prominent  Welsh   family  with  whom   he  came 

1  Treatise  on  Ulcers,  Lecture  29.       2  Treatise  on  Muscles. 
•1  AVorkes :  II.  Treatise  of  wounds,  p.  12d.  (1650). 


in  the  Seve)iteenth  Century.  199 

into  contact  was  that  of  Salusbury  of  Llewenny.   Sir  John 

Salusbury,  Kt.,  younger  brother  to  Thomas  Salusbury  of 

Babington  Plot  fame,  enlisted  Eeid's  services  in  the  vain 

attempt  to  save  the  life  of  a  valued  retainer. 

Sir  John  Salusbury  was  the  author  of  some  delightful 

poenis  which  show  his  love  of  flowers,  and  which  were 

printed  m  1597.     His  mother  was  the  famous  Catherine 

of  Berain,  granddaughter  of  Henry  VII.     She  married 

four  times,  Salusbury's  falher  being  her  first  husband. 

Sir  John  Salusbury  is  said  to  have  been  called  ' '  Syr  John 

y  Bodiau  'V  from  the  fact  that  he  had  two  thumbs  on  each 

hand  and  two  great  toes  on  each  foot.    He  was  also  known 

as  "  the  Strong  "  because  of  his  enormous  strength.     He 

is  credited   with  slaying  a   fabulous  monster  called  the 

"  bigh  "  or  "  bych  ",  from  which  the  town  of  Denbigh  is 

said  to  derive  its  name.     Sir  John  also  appears  to  have 

displayed  his  strength  in  uprooting  forest  trees  as  though 

they   were   weeds.     In   Christ   Church  Library,  Oxford, 

there  is  a  copy  of  Gerard's   "  Herbal  '     which  contains 

marginal  notes  in  Sir  John's  own  handwriting,  of  the 

plants  to  be  found  in  North  Wales.2     It  is  interesting  to 

find  that  the  Scottish  doctor  refers  to  Sir  John  Salusbury's 

surgical  skill  as  well  as  to  his  botanical  lmowledge.     The 

history  of  the  case  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  In  this  Towne'1  .  .  .  a  lusty  young  man,  whose  sirname  was 
Owin,  whose  father  was  a  retainer  to  Sir  John  Salisbury,  had 
the  like  tumor  in  the  Yertebrae  of  the  loynes,  after  a  linger- 
ing  grief.  I,  having  been  entreated  by  the  truely  worshipfull 
Sir  John  Salisbury  (who  had  not  an  ordinary  skill  in  the 
hnnwledge  of  the  plants,  and  in  performing  ehirurgicall  cures), 
took  a  view  of  the  young  Gentle-man.  After  mature  delibera- 
tion  I  told  Sir  John  and  the  young  mans  friends  that  there 
was  much  quittour  in  the  Tumor  which  must  be  discharged, 
and  that  the  event  of  the  curation  would  be  uncertain  if  the 
matter  were  let  out,   for  the  reasons  above  specified.     At  the 

1  See  Y  Cymmrodor,  Vol.  xl,  p.   1. 

2  Gunther.  p.  238  sq.  3  Denbigh. 


200  A  Scottish  Surgeon  in  Wales 

entreaty  of  Sir  Jolm  Salusbury  and  the  young  mans  parents 
and  friends,  I  opened  the  Aposteme  .  .  .  and  although  no  meanes 
were  omitted  which  seemed  unto  us  effectuall  for  the  recovery 
of  the  young  mans  health  .  .  .  yet  he  fell  into  a  Marasmus  or 
extenuation  of  the  body,  being  otherwise  a  proper  and  valiant 
young  gentleman  ;  and  so  ended  his  life  before  age  called  for 
his  dissolution,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  parents,  having  no 
other  Sonne  but  liim,  and  the  commiseration  of  the  worthy 
Knight."J 

Another  Denbigh  man,  who  suffered  from  the  same 
complaint  as  Sir  John  Salusbury's  retainer,  was  more 
fortunate. 

"  In  Denbigh  town  there  was  one  Richard  Pryce,  an 
Haberdasher,  son  to  John  Prýce,  wlio  kept  the  principall 
Inne  of  the  town,  who  after  he  had  been  troubled  with  a 
chronicall  disease,  felt  in  his  back,  a  little  below  the  shoulder 
blades,  a  tumor  still  increasing  in  the  outward  parts,  as  he 
was  eased  in  the  inward,  untill  at  last  it  grew  to  the  bignesse 
of  a  penny  loaf."  ''  I,"  says  Reid,  "  having  been  called  unto 
it,  by  opening  of  the  Aposteme  and  using  methodicall  in- 
struments,  cured  the  patient.  This  man  (as  I  heare)  having 
given  over  his  trade,  still  heepeth  the  Inne  which  his  father 
did."2 

Other  patients  mentioned  are  :  a  Welsh  woman  named 
Price,  who  was  cured  of  phthisis  by  taking  milk  from  the 
breast ;  Mistress  Ferne  of  Holt ;  a  young  man  of  Chester 
named  Fletcher,  wounded  in  a  duel,  who  died  fourteen 
days  after  receiving  the  wound  ;  James  Wilkinson,  who 
lived  near  Eeid  in  Chester  ;  and  a  ' '  gentleman  of  the  race 
of  the  Fittens". 

But  Wales  was  soon  to  lose  the  services  of  the  man  who 
had  so  ably  practised  his  profession  amongst  her  people. 
In  1616  there  appeared  a  small  anatomical  treatise  entitled 
2ü)[j.a.Toypa4>ía  àvdpo)irLvrj,  Or  "  a  description  of  the  body  of 
man  ".  This  little  book  was  the  first  work  from  Eeid's 
pen,  and  was  probably  to  make  him  known  to  the  world 
outside  Wales,  while  it  may  have  led  eventually  to  his 

1  A  Treatise  of  ülcers,  Lecture  29.  2  Ibid. 


in  the  Seventeenth  Century.  201 

migration  to  London.  His  brotlier  Thomas  at  the  Court 
doubtless  found  occasion  to  bring  the  doctor's  name  to 
the  King's  notice,  for  James  was  always  ready  to  prefer 
his  own  countrymen.  Another  powerful  ally  would  be  the 
Lord  Gerard,  whose  tailor  had  been  operated  upon  with 
such  skill. 

Whatever  the  causes  may  have  been,  preferment  came 
rapidly.  On  the  28th  May,  1620,  Alexander  and  Thomas 
Reid  were  both  incorporated  M.A.  at  Oxford,  while  on  the 
following  day  the  former  was  created  doctor  of  physic  by 
Letters  Patent  from  James  I. 

It  is  possible  that  Eeid's  departure  from  Wales  coin- 
cided  with  these  academic  distinctions,  for  it  was  about 
this  time  that  he  was  enrolled  as  a  foreign  brother  of  the 
Barber-Surgeons'  Hall.  Moreover,  in  1621,  he  became  a 
candidate  for  election  to  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians 
of  London  and  was  admitted  a  Fellow  of  that  body  on 
3rd  March,  1623/4.  Finally,  on  7th  July  in  the  same 
year,  he  was  incorporated  in  his  medical  degree  at 
Cambridge. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  the  recommendation  of  Sir 
John  Wynn  of  Gwydir  and  other  prominent  Welshmen 
brought  Reid  to  the  notice  of  their  fellow  countrymen 
occupying  high  positions  in  London,  amongst  whom  the 
most  distinguished  was  John  Williams,  Archbishop  of 
York,  who,  in  1621,  was  appointed  Lord  Keeper  of  the 
Great  Seal  and  Bishop  of  Lincoln.  Williams  was  a  near 
kinsman  to  Sir  John  Wynn.  Dr.  Matthew  Gwynne,  to 
whom  we  have  already  referred,  was  practising  in  London, 
and  it  has  been  suggested  that  he  was  instrumental  in 
obtaining  for  Reid  the  appointment  as  lecturer  in  anatomy 
at  the  Barber-Surgeons'  Hall.  In  any  case,  it  may  be  in- 
ferred  from  Reid's  works  that  he  was  associated  profes- 
sionally  with  Dr.  Gwynne  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

p 


202  A  Scottisli  Suroeon  in  Wales 


<^ 


Eeid  began  to  lecture  at  the  Barber-Surgeons'  Hall  on 
28th  December,  1632,  and  held  the  post  until  1634.  The 
lectures  were  delivered  on  Tuesdays  throughout  the  year, 
at  an  annual  stipend  of  £20. 

The  manner  in  which  the  anatomy  lectures  of  the 
period  were  conducted  has  been  fully  described  in  Young's 
'  Annals  of  the  Barber-Surgeons'  Company  ",  and  in 
other  works.  The  "  Manual  of  Anatomy  ",  published  by 
Keid  in  1631,  contains  a  frontispiece  showing  Dr.  Reid 
lecturing,  while  in  front  of  him  the  body  lies  in  the  usual 
manner  ready  for  dissection,  his  demonstrators  standing 
on  either  side,  holding  scalpels,  ready  to  expose  the  parts 
described  by  the  lecturer. 

While  Reid  was  lecturing  at  the  Barber-Surgeons' 
Hall,  William  Harvey  was  delivering  the  Lumneian  Lec- 
tures  at  the  Eoyal  College  of  Physicians.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  Reid  was  ignorant  of  Harvey's  discovery  of  the 
circulation  of  the  blood,  or  whether  he  definitely  refused 
to  accept  the  new  teaching.  Harvey's  Exercitaüo  Anato- 
mica  de  Motu  Gordis  et  Sanguinis  had  appeared  six  years 
before  the  publication  of  Reid's  Manual  of  Anatomy,  and 
it  is  therefore  unlikely  that  he  would  not  have  been 
acquainted  with  the  theories  propounded  by  Harvey.  Reid 
followed  the  traditional  teaching  as  to  the  functions  of  the 
heart. 

On  the  termination  of  his  lectures  in  1634  Reid  con- 
tinued  to  practice  in  London.  He  appears  to  have  resided 
in  Little  Britain,  lodging  (for  a  time  at  least)  "  within  the 
signe  of  the  Naked  Boy,  a  little  below  the  Fleet-Conduit." 

Reid  numbered  amongst  his  patients  men  like  Sir 
Ralph  Freeman,  Lord  Mayor  of  London  in  1633,  who 
suffered  from  '  an  ulcer  of  the  tongue  ",  and  Thomas 
Harriott,  the  eminent  mathematician  and  astronomer, 
who  had  "  a  cancerous  ulcer  of  the  mouth."    Harriott  had 


in  the  Seventeenth  Century.  20 


j 


long  suffered  from  ill-health.  In  1606  he  complained  to 
Kepler  that  he  was  unable  to  write  or  think  accurately 
upon  any  subject,  which  would  account  for  his  failure  to 
complete  his  discoveries.  Henry,  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
had  such  a  high  opinion  of  his  learning,  says  the  author  of 
the  article  in  the  "  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  ", 
that  he  allowed  him  an  annual  pension  of  £300  for  the  rest 
of  his  life.  In  1607  Harriott,  at  the  Earl's  invitation, 
went  to  live  at  Sion  House,  in  Isleworth,  Middlesex, 
where  he  remained  until  his  death  on  2nd  July,  1621. 

That  Eeid  visited  Wales  from  time  to  time  before  his 
appointment  as  lecturer  at  the  Barber-Surgeons'  Hall 
seems  highly  probable.  It  would  be  only  natural  on  the 
part  of  many  of  his  old  patients  to  solicit  his  services  in 
the  treatment  of  their  maladies.  Sir  Thomas  Salusbury, 
the  second  baronet,  grandson  of  that  Sir  John  to  whom  we 
have  already  referred,  succeeded  his  father,  Sir  Henry,  in 
August,  1632.  A  letter  dated  from  Chester  in  October  of 
the  same  year,  written  by  Sir  Thomas  Salusbury's  bailiff 
to  his  master  in  London,  would  seem  to  indicate  that  Beid 
was  staying  in  or  near  that  city  :  "  I  was  desired  by  Mr. 
Bede  the  Chirurgion,-to  bringe  your  worship  in  mind  of 
your  promise  to  him  att  Lleweny  of  two  Lancetts,  for  a 
memoriall  of  his  office  done  there  ;  he  sayeth  it  was  your 
worships  owne  motion  and  not  any  request  of  his,  which 
putts  him  to  a  more  hope  of  perfourmance.  I  find  him 
most  willing  to  doe  me  good  .  .  .".1 

We  have  no  intimate  details  concerning  the  last  seven 
years  of  Beid's  life.  He  appears,  however,  to  have 
devoted  such  leisure  as  the  demands  of  a  large  practice 
would  allow  to  the  publication  of  his  numerous  works. 
We  have  already  referred  to  the  -M/iaToypaýía  âv9pwmi>r], 
Or  "  a  description  of  the  body  of  man  ' '  which  had  ap- 

1  National  Library  of  Wales.     Llewenny  Paper,  No.  3,  15. 

p  2 


204  A  Scottish  Suro-eon  in  Wales 


peared  in  1610.     This  work  was  re-issued  (in  1034)  with 

some  additions  on  the  practice  of  surgery  and  the  use  of 

fifty-three  instruments.     The   "  Manuall   of  Anatomy  ' 

appeared  in  the  same  year,  containing  the  substance  of 

Eeid's  lectures  on  anatomy.     His  surgical  lectures  were 

the    next    to    appear ;    the      '  Chirurgicall    Lectures    on 

Wounds  '     in  1634,  and  the     '  Chirurgicall   Lectures  of 

tumors  and  ulcers  "  in  1635.     Eeid  devotes  11  lectures  to 

tumours,    29   to   ulcers,    34   to   wounds,   and    31    to   the 

muscles  of  the  body.    His  works,  unlike  those  of  many  of 

his  contemporaries,  are  written  in  English,  and  his  style 

is  clear  and  concise.    In  his  opinion  the  pericardium  is  the 

'  swadler  '     because   it   envelopes   the   heart,   while   the 

carotid  arteries  are  the  "  soporall  vessels  "  because,  upon 

their  obstruction,  "  death  doth  immediately  follow  ". 

The  "  Chirurgorum  Comes  "  which  was  Eeid's  post- 

humous  work,  was  completed  and  published  in  1087,  by 

"  A  Member  of  the  College  of  Physitians  in  London  ". 

In  the  preface  to  this  work  we  are  told  that  "  if  any  would 

have  been  at  the  pains  and  charge  of  translating  Eead  into 

Latin,  I  question  not  but  ere  this  he  had  obtained  the  suf- 

frages  of  the  learned  to  have  been  one  of  the  best  Chirur- 

geons  that  ever  writ,  so  all  our  English  Chirurgeons  of 

any  note  since  him  have  subscribed  their  testimony  of 

his  great  abilities.    But  his  lectures  in  English  being  very 

scarce,  it  was  judged  that  an  edition  of  them  would  not 

be    unacceptable  ".      The    writer    also    compares    Eeid's 

works  with  those  of  Van  Horne1  who  divided  surgery,  we 

are  told,  "  into  parts  according  to  its  operations  ".     He 

suspects  that  the  Dutchman  copied  Eeid  in  this  respect 

because,  as  he  says,  "  I  have  heard  that  Eead's  Lectures 

were  translated  into  a  Foreign  Tongue  which  very  likely 

1  John  van  Hoorne,  a  distinguished  anatomist  and  physician, 
born  at  Amsterdam  in"  1621  ;  he  died  1670.  He  is  the  author  of 
many  \vorks  on  anatomy. 


in  thc  Sevcnteenth  Century.  205 

Van  Horne  may  have  perused  if  he  did  not  understand 
them  in  English  ". 

It  would  appear  as  though  this  anonymous  author, 
writing  at  a  date  when  Harvey's  teaching  had  become 
universally  accepted,  was  well  aware  of  his  author's  weak 
points,  for  he  cautiously  observes  that  Eeid's  works, 
"  though  learned,  were  capable  of  improvement  ". 

It  is  natural  to  fìnd  Eeid  the  Surgeon  affirming 
that  '  the  use  of  Chirurgery  is  by  reason  of  absolute 
necessity  more  often  required  than  the  ministration  of 
medicaments  ".  He  does  not,  indeed,  appear  to  have 
had  much  faith  in  drugs.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  Sir 
John  Wynn  of  Gwydir,  he  counsels  the  baronet  not  to 
charge  "  his  neshe  constitution  '  with  a  '  chaos  of 
medicaments  ".  It  is  also  interesting  to  learn  Eeid's 
views  on  Paracelsus,1  for  whom  he  has  nothing  but  scorn. 
'  If  anyone  would  mispend  good  hours  ",  he  says,  "  let 
him  read  Paracelsus,  his  great  and  little  chirurgery,  which 
are  like  clouds  without  rain  ". 

Eeid  died  in  October,  1641.  His  will,  dated  lst  Feb- 
ruary,  1630/40,  has  been  published  and  shows  him  to  have 
been  a  wealthy  man.2  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  he  never 
married.  During  his  lifetime  he  gave  the  sum  of  £110  to 
found  Bursaries  in  his  old  College  at  Aberdeen,  to  which 
he  bequeathed  other  sums,  as  well  as  his  collection  of 
books.  The  Eoyal  College  of  Physicians  in  Amen  Corner 
also  benefited  to  the  amount  of  £100,  which  was  be- 
queathed  by  Eeid  for  the  decoration  of  the  Anatomy 
Theatre  there. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  day  further  particuiars  will 
come  to  light  concerning  the  career  of  this  Scottish  Sur- 

1  Paracelsus,  1490-1541,  an  erratic  revolutionary  genius,  who 
emphasized  the  value  of  practical  experience  in  medicine  as  opposed 
to  dogma  and  theory.     Professor  at  Basle. 

2  Fasti.  Acad.  Mariscall.     Aberdon,  II,  p.  234-5. 


2o6  A  Scottish  Suroeon  in  Wales,  ctc. 

geon,  whose  life  would,  indeed,  seem  to  convey  a  message 
and  a  warning  to  future  generations  of  scientists.  "  It 
is  the  safest  course  to  persist  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
ancients  ",  he  remarks  in  one  of  his  works,  "  for  their  way 
is  safe  and  easie  ",  a  maxim  which  would  seem  to  explain 
the  reason  of  his  own  failure  to  achieve  immortality. 


Robert  Chaloner  of  Denbigh,: 
Son  of  David  Chatoner  of  Denbîgh,  a  merchant 
in  Chester,  to  wliom  a  crest  was  eonnrmed, 
by  Agnea,  da.  and  h.  of  Jenkin  ap  Twnna  of 
Rhuddlan.     Will  1552. 


Dowse,  da.  of  Richard  Matliew 
of  Lleweni  Green,  by  Jane 
his  wife,  da.  of  David  Myd- 
delton  of  Gwaynynog, 
Receiver-General  of  North 
Wales. 


=  David  Bircbenshaw 
of  Denbigh, 
willdated  1570, 
„    proved  1582 


—  Thomas  Bellyn 


1.   William  =  Anne  da. 
uf  Denbigh  I      of  Edwnrd 
ap  Hugh 


*r 


i 

2.  Jolin  of  Deiibigh=AlÌce.  da.  of 


Clerlt  of  thö  Peace.  Deputy  E  n  tei 
iii  the  Lordehip  oí  ChírÉ  Eacheator 
of  the  Lordship  of  Denbîgh  on  the 
düiith  of  Robert  I  ludley  Earl  of  LeicoB- 
tiT,  wíiMMe  sorwiiiit  lie  wasand  liy  wliom 
Iie  was  granted  tbe  estate  of  Lloran 
Oanol  A  Surveyor of  Denbigh  Castle 
1697.    Died  1699 


(írimtliSperin 
nf  I>enbigh,by 
Agnes,  sister 
to  Sir  Ilichard 
Clongh 


3.  Rhy8=Margaret,  da,  and  h,  of 

IWm.  ap  John  ap 
Robt.  ap  Ricliard  of 
Denbigh 

.)■ 


4.  Thomas  of  Chester, 
Ulster  King  of  Arms.  Paint- 
er,  poet,  antiquary  and  aetor. 
Freeman  of  Chester  6  Oct., 
1584.  Married  8  Nov.,  1584. 
Died  14  May,  1598.  M.I.  St. 
Michael's,  Chester. 


Elizabeth,  da.   ofc 
Thonias  Alcoclí 
of  Chester. 
Died    24     May 

1635 


Randle  Holme,  herjildic 
painter  and  antiq»ary 
Apprenticed  to  Thomas 
Chaloner  10  Jannar;, 
1587.  Freemanof  Che^- 
ter  3  June  1598.  Al- 
derman.  Mayor  163-'. 
Servant  to  Henry 
Prince  of  Wales.  DÌed 
16  January  1655,  age<I 
84 


Anthony  of  Chirk-: 

land,  in  the  castle 
service  at  Chirk 


=Margaret,  da.  of  Robert 
Salisbnry  of  Lìandyr- 
nog,  son  of  Robert 
Salisbury  of  Henllan 


I 


I 


6.  Henry  of  London,        t'ieely=Wm.  Rutter  of 
haberdasher,  ol  Deiibigb 

s.p. 


i 
Ursul.i 

i  i 


■ 
:  'i-ubigb 


Horaldii.'  painter,  mulcor  and 
collectoi  of  pedigroos,  Born 
6Feb.,  1686,  ippruuticoiì  to 
FtandleHolme  1602.  Diedin 
the  Strancl,  în  London,  25 
Nov.,  1681 


I 
i  i  tob     Murgnret,    da.    of    John 


■   . 


Plethyn  of  Hnwardon, 
Marrjod6Jan.,1611-12, 
nt,  St.  Chriatophf 

StucltH 


Jane,  twin  witli 
Jacob,  born  Ìn 
Chester.  1  Üed 
in  London.s.p. 


Thomas,  born  23 
i-  b  1688.  Died 
iii  L'indon.  s.p. 


i 

Daniel,sculpt.j:  it  "  f ree  mason".= 
Born  14  Dec.  1589.  Bap.  St. 
Mìchael's,  Cln.'ster.  Freeman  of 
Chester,  30  Oct.  1616.  "Stone 
cutter"  of  London.  Appren- 
ticed  to  Maximiliam  Poutrain, 
alias  Colte,  "stone  carver",  of 
St.  Bart.  the  Great,  15  May, 
1607.  Freeman  of  London. 
Díed  Ìn  London,  1  March  1636. 
Will  44  Goare. 


Ursula,  da.  of  John 
Dorchester  of 
Finchley,  Middle- 
sex,  by  Anne,  da. 
of  Simon  Rowe 


Ursula,  born  30  Sep. 
1591.  DiedinLon- 
don.     s.p. 


Marv.  born  20  May, 
l.-,*;)*,  Bur. St. Mary's, 
Chester,  2  Dec.  1613 


I  I 

Margaret.bur.  Elizabeth  of=George  Fernli 

St.     John's,  St.  Mary's,         licence  t<   mari 

Chester  Chester  at  St.  M 

Dec.  1613 


William, 
,li,.,l  III  July,  1633. 


£wo  TM00  'jfyndìic  Çpẃtgre**,  witÿ 

Qtoí*ff  on  £0omae  CÇafoner 
of  ©enBígÇ  anb  C0<0f«rŷ  (Ufefer  TRing 

of  Qjtrms* 

By  W.  J.  HEMP,  F.S.A., 

Secretanj  to  the  Royal  Commission  on  Ancient  Monuments  (  ìì  aiesj. 


The  two  Elizabethan  pedigrees  which  form  the  subject 
oí'  this  paper  are  cast  in  a  somewhat  unusual  form, 
technically  called  a  "  target  ".  Both  deal  with  families 
dwelling  on  the  border  land  of  North  Wales,  and,  although 
written  and  painted  by  different  hands,  it  is  likely  that 
both  represent  the  work  of  Thomas  Chaloner  of  Chester, 
whose  immediate  ancestry  one  of  them  records. 

This  Thomas  Chaloner  was  the  fourth  son  of  Robert 
Chaloner  of  Denbigh  by  Dowce  his  wife,  daughter  of 
Eichard  Mathew  of  Lleweni  Green.  The  family  had  long 
been  settled  in  North  Wales,  although  it  probably  took 
its  origin  and  name  from  some  Cheshire  maker  of  or  dealer 
in  linen  quilts  or  coverlets,  known  as  '  shalloons  "  ; 
"  Roger  the  Chaloner  "  of  Chester  occurs  in  1288. 

In  Elizabethan  times,  however,  the  claini  was  made 
that  this  family  descended  from  Madoc  Crwm,  who  was 
said  to  have  flourished  in  the  thirteenth  century  and 
to  have  been  called  "  Chaloner  "  as  a  result  of  residence 
at  Chalons  in  France  ;  although  his  descent  was  Welsh, 
he  being  the  great-grandson  of  the  founder  of  the  seventh 
tribe  of  North  Wales,  Maelog  Crwm  of  Nantconway, 
"  Lord  of  Llechwedd  isaf  and  Creuddvn  ",  who  himself 


2o8  Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees. 

is  described  as  "  4th  son  of  Greddyf  ap  Ewnnws  ddu  ap 
Killingad  the  13th  son  in  lineal  descent  from  Kynedda 
Wledic  King  of  North  Wales  ".1 

Among  Maelog  Crwm's  ancestors  was  Helig  ap  Glan- 
nug,  the  foundations  of  whose  long  submerged  home  are 
said  to  be  still  traceable  in  the  sea  between  the  mouth  of 
the  Conway  and  Ynys  Lannog  (Puffìn  Island). 

Improbable  as  this  tale  of  the  Welsh  sojourner  in 
France  may  be,  in  view  of  the  frequency  of  the  name 
Chaloner  at  that  period,  it  is  a  fact  that  in  1301  the  Public 
Eecords  tell  of  "  William  de  Chalons,  burgess  of  Conway 
who  bought  land  at  Conway  from  the  King  and  subse-. 
quently  lent  money  to  the  King's  worhmen  employed  at 
Conway  ". 

The  name  of  Chaloner  often  occurs  among  the  early 
records  connected  with  Cheshire  and  the  adjoining  parts 
of  Lancashire. 

Several  members  of  the  family  were  students  of 
heraldry  and  genealogy,  and  our  Thomas  Chaloner  was 
employed  as  an  agent  by  the  College  of  Heralds  for  soine 
years  under  the  designation  of  ' '  Deputy  to  the  Office  of 
Arms  ",  before  he  was  created  Ulster  King  of  Arms.  This 
appointment  he  only  received  on  the  day  of  his  death, 
llth  May,  1598,  as  recorded  on  his  monument  in  St. 
Michael's  Church,  Chester  (fig.  3).2  He  also  took  advan- 
tage  of  his  visitations  and  travels  in  North  WTales  and 

1  Nat.  Lib.  Wales,  Kimmel  MS.  No.  5. 

2  See  Appendix.  He  is  described  on  the  monument  in  St.  Mary's 
Church,  Chester,  commemorating  Randle  Holme  the  Second,  as 
"  de  eadem  civitate  quandoque  Ulster  regis  armorum  pro  Hiberniai 
regno."  There  is  considerable  mystery  about  Chaloner's  appoint- 
ment,  as  Haydn's  Book  of  Dignities  records  the  appointment  of 
Christopher  Ussher  as  Ulster,  by  Letters  Patent  dated  30  June, 
1588,  and  Mr.  T.  U.  Sadleir,  Registrar  of  the  Office  of  Arms,  Dublin 
Castlc  (Ulster's  office)  tells  me  that  Ussher  "  was  buried  2  June, 
1597.  According  to  our  records  Daniel  Molyneus  was  then  appointed 
and  continued  in  office  till  1633."    According  to  Hajdn  Molyneux's 


Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees.  209 

Cheshire  to  make  antiquarian  and  heraldic  notes,  which 
are  now  of  great  yalue.1  He  became  a  Freeman  of  Chester 
011  October  6th,  1584,  and,  as  noted  by  Mr.  J.  P.  Ear- 
waker,2  was  a  painter,  poet  and  antiquary,  as  well  as  a 
member  of  Lord  Derby's  company  of  players. 

On  Nov.  8th,  1584,  he  married  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Thomas  Alcock,  of  Chester,  and  011  Jan.  lOth,  1587, 
he  took  as  his  apprentice  one  Eandle  Holme.  After 
Chaloner's  death,  in  1598,  Holme  married  his  master's 
widow,  and  in  1602  apprenticed  his  stepson,  Jaeob 
Chaloner,  to  himself.  Jacob  became  a  well-known 
heraldic  agent,  painter  and  collector  of  pedigrees,  and 
eventually  moved  to  London,  where  he  died  in  1631. 
Randle  Holme  remained  in  Chester  and  built  up  the 
heraldic  business  which  was  to  be  carried  011  by  his  son, 
grandson  and  great-grandson,  all  bearing  the  same  name, 
on  the  foundations  laid  by  Chaloner's  work.  Eandle  III 
was  the  author  of  the  well-known  "  Academy  of  Armory  ". 

Ulster's  great  nephew,  Captain  Eobert  Chaloner,  of 
Lloran,  co.  Denbigh,  and  Eoundway,  co.  Wilts  (1612- 
1675),  was  also  a  herald,  being  appointed  Bluemantle 
Pursuivant  in  1660,  and  Lancaster  Herald  in  1665. 

But  the  members  of  the  family  best  known  to  history 
were  Ulster's  second  cousin,  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  the 
Elizabethan  diplomatist  and  man  of  affairs,  son  of  Eoger 
of  Denbigh  and  London,  together  with  his  son,  another 
Sir  Thomas,   Chamberlain  to  Henry,  Prince  of  W ales, 

patent  was  datecl  28  June,  1597.  As  Chaloner  died  14  May,  1598,  it 
would  seem  that  there  were  two  claimants  for  the  post,  since  the 
statement  on  Randle  Holme  II. 's  monument  would  not  have  been 
made  without  some  warranty. 

1  According  to  Mr.  Earwaher  MS.  Harley  2151  contains  notes 
on  monuments  and  w  indows  in  churches  made  by  Thomas  Chaloner 
and  others   and   arranged  by  the  third  Randle  Holme. 

2  The  four  Randle  Holmes  of  Chester;  Journ.  Chester  Arch. 
and  Hist.  Soc,  n.s.,  iv.  (1S92). 


2io  Tzvo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees 


á 


and  his  grandson,  a  third  Thomas,  the  regicide,  whose 
brother  James  also  sat  in  judgment  on  the  King  and  was 
a  noted  antiquary  and  one  of  the  earliest  English  topo- 
graphers. 

To  balance  the  political  record  of  these  last,  there 
was,  in  addition  to  their  own  Eoyalist  brothers,  the  head- 
master  of  Shrewsbury  School,  another  Thomas  Chaloner, 
a  descendant  of  Ulster's  brother  John,  who  was  expelled 
from  his  post  on  account  of  his  Eoyalist  sympathies,  and 
after  a  long  period  of  exile,  during  which  he  was  a  suc- 
cessful  headmaster  of  Euthin  and  other  schools,  was 
restored  to  his  post  at  Shrewsbury  when  the  King  came 
to  his  own  again.  His  diary  still  bears  witness  to  the 
rccording  instincts  of  his  family.1 

A  brief  reference  may  be  made  tu  the  possible  con- 
nection  of  Thomas  Chaloner  with  Freemasonry.  Mr. 
Earwaker,  in  the  article  already  mentioned,  refers  to 
evidence  proving  that  the  Holmes  were  masons  and  quotes 
the  third  Eandle's  description  of  himself  in  1688  as  "  a 
Member  of  that  Society,  called  Free-Masons  ",  pointing 
out  that  he  was  one  of  the  earliest  Freemasons  whose 
name  has  come  down  to  us.  Thomas  Chaloner's  son 
Daniel  is  called  ' '  Freemason  ' ' — whatever  that  may  con- 
note  in  the  case  of  a  professional  sculptor — and  at  the  end 
of  the  Chaloner  monumental  inscription  in  St.  Michael's 
is  a  symbol,  a  triangle  point  downwards  surmounted  by  a 
ring,  which  also  appears  in  some  of  the  Harleian  MSS., 
and  niay  perhaps  have  been  Chaloner's  private  mark 
(fig.  3).2 

1  One  of  his  descendants  is  responsible  for  these  notes,  as  he  also 
was  for  an  account  of  Denbigh  Castle,  published  in  the  Cymmrodor 
in  1926,  the  last  recorded  survey  of  the  castle  having  been  made 
by  John  Chaloner,  Ulster's  brother,  and  his  own  ancestor. 

2  For  further  information  on  this  subject  see  "  A  Short  History 
of  Freemasonry  in  Chester  "  by  Henry  Taylor  and  P.  H.  Lawson. 


Fig.  1.     The  Chaloner  Ped 


igree. 


Toface  />.  211. 


Fig.  1.     The  Chaloner  Pedigree. 


Tofacep.  211. 


Tzvo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees.  2  1 1 

I. — The  Chaloner  Pedigree. 

This  is  an  ingenious  attempt  to  record  in  a  compact 
form  five  generations  of  the  ancestors  of  Thomas  Chaloner, 
together  with  the  arms  they  bore  or  which  were  attributed 
to  them  (rig.  1).  The  names  appear  in  circles  which  are 
connected  by  lines  indicating  the  descents,  and  the  appro- 
priate  shield  accompanies  the  name  of  each  of  the  thirty- 
two  great-great-great-grand  parents  on  the  outside  circle. 
In  addition,  four  impaled  shields  display  the  arms  of 
Thomas  Chaloner  and  those  of  his  parents  and  grand- 
parents.  Nine  of  the  shields  are  blank  and  one  is  in  trick 
only,  the  rest  are  in  their  proper  colours. 

The  design  measures  abut  12f  inches  in  diameter. 
The  drawing  is  poor,  and  the  execution  in  general  some- 
what  careless — in  fact  the  document  has  the  appearance 
of  having  been  intended  as  a  rough  draft.  The  parchment 
has  suffered  from  age  and  dirt  and  also  from  being  folded. 
It  is  now  preserved  at  Oxford  in  the  Bodleian  Library, 
its  reference  being  MS.  Jesus  Coll.  E.130. 

The  date  is  about  1590  to  judge  from  the  fact 
that  four  only  of  Thomas  Chaloner's  children  are  named, 
including  Daniel  who  was  born  in  1589,  but  excluding 
Mary  who  was  born  in  1591  and  survived  until  1613,  and 
her  sister  Elizabeth  who  married  in  1613. 

For  convenience  of  identifìcation  and  reference  the 
circles  containing  names  have  been  treated  as  four  rings, 
lettered  A,  B,  C  and  D  (E  being  the  central  circle) 
and  numbered  clockwise.  The  outer  ring  of  shields 
corresponds  with  ring  A,  but  the  four  inmost  shields  are 
lettered  a,  b,  c,  d  ;  the  clockwise  system  has  been  departed 
from  in  this  case  only. 

The  following  are  the  inscriptions  in  the  circles  with 
the  corresponding  coats  of  arms.  Additions  are  indicated 
by  square  brackets.     In  the  case  of  both  the  Chaloner 


2 1 2  Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pediorees. 

and  the  Broughton  pedigrees  no  atternpt  has  been  made 
to  expand  or  annotate  the  entries  except  by  the  addition 
to  the  blazons  of  the  arms  in  each  case  the  farnily  name 
or  that  of  the  best  known  ancestor. 

RING  A. 

1. — Howell  Chaloner  of  Ritheland 

Sa.  a  cìiev.  betweën  three  cherubs  or.      [Chaloner] 
2. — Ales  daughter  to  Eice  ap  Dauid  ap  Kendrick  of 
Weper 

Vert  a  stag  pass.  regard.  arg.      [Cynwrig  F}rchan] 
3. — Ithell  Anwell  ap  Day  ap  Ithell  of  [blank,  rcctc 
Xorthop] 

Per  pale  or  and  gu.  a  hymmoch  arg.  between  tivo  Uons 
ramp.  addorsed,  counterchanged.      [Ithel  Anwyl] 
4. — Gwenlyan  daughtr  to  Jem1  ap  Lln  ap  Kendrick 

Sa.  a  chev.  between  three  goafs  heads  erased  or. 

[Ithel  Felyn] 
5. — Thomas  Peake  of  Lluney  greene 

Chechy  or  and  gu.  a  salt.  erm.      [Peake] 
G. — Jaiie  dauo-hter  and  heire  of  Wttr  Clare  als  Clark 

Arg.  a  Uon  jmss.  gn.      [Clare  or  Clark] 
7. — Sr  John  Donne  of  Ytldngton  lcnight 

Barry  of  jîve  az.  and  arg.  on  a  bend  gu.  three  arrows 
silver.     [Done] 
8. — Elizabeth  daughter  to  Sr  pears  dutton  of  dutton 

Quarterly  arg.  and  gu.,  in  the  second  and  third  guar- 
ters  afret  or.      [Dutton] 

!). — Jem  3  somie  to  Eigniö  ap  Grirf  ap  Un  ap  Kendk 
ap  Osbourn 

llnn.  a  saltire  gu.  charged  with  a  crescent  or. 

[Osborne  Fitzgerald  (Wyddel)] 

1  This  name  is  clearly  written  Jeni  throughout,  but  is  appar- 
ently  intended  for  Jeuan  (Evan),  as  in  MS.  Harley  1157,  f.  61  b, 
tliis  same  man  appears  as  ''  Juan  ap  Llewelin  ap  Kendrick." 


Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pediprees.  2 1  3 


ô 


10. — Angharat  dar  to  dd  ap  Gwillim  lLoyd 

(7/i  trick)    \_Arg.~]   a  chev.  between  tlirec  boar's  heads 
couped  [sa.].      [Ednowain  Bendew  (?)] 
11. — Ithell  ap  Kendrick  ap  Blethen  ap  Ithell  anwell 

Arms  as  No.  3.  [Ithel  Anwyl] 
12. — Llneke  daughter  &  heire  of  Jem  ap  G-rono 

Vert  a  cliev.  between  three  wolf's  Jieads  erased  arg. 

[Rhiryd  Flaidd] 
13-16,— [Blank] 
17. — Lewis  Mathew  of  Llandaffe 

Sa.  a  lion  ramp.  between  three  crosses  croslet  arg. 

[Mathew] 
18-20.— [Blank] 

21. — Thomas  Byrchenshaw  of  Denbighe1 

Arg.  semy  nf  estoiles  a  pegasns  gu.      [Birchenshaw] 
22.— [Blank] 
23. — Richard  Pigott  ap  Jenkyn  ap  Howell  Pigott 

Erm.  three  fusils  conjoined  in  fess  and  a  border  en- 
grailed  sa.      [Pigott] 
24. — Nest  daughter  to  Townas 

[Shield  blank] 
25. — Ririd  ap  Dauid  ap  Pothan  Ylayd 

Arg.  on  a  bend  vert  tJiree  woìf's  Jieads  erased  siìrer. 

[Middleton  (Pothan  Flaidd)] 
26. — Cecily    danghter    and     heire    of     Sr.    Alexandr 
Midelton 

Gu.  on  a  bend  ortJiree  lions  pass.  sa.      [Middleton] 
27. — Grnffith  ap  Jenkyn  ap  gwalltr  of  Broughton 

Sa.  a  cJiev.  betw.  tJiree  oivls  arg.      [Broughton] 
28. — Gwenhwver  daughtr  and  heir  of  dauid  yychan  ap 

Jem 

Gu.  tJtree  snnJ:es  nowed  together  arg.      [Ednowain  ap 

Bradwen] 

1  Thomas   Bwrchinsliaw=Katrin   v.    ag    aeres   y   Richard    Pigot 
vichan   (Dwnn,   II.  346   sub  Llansannan). 


2 1 4  Tivo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees. 

29. — Sr  John  Donne  of  Vtkington  knight 

Arms  as  No.  7  [Done] 
30. — Elizabeth  daughter  to  Sr  pears  dutton  of  dutton 

Arms  as  No.  S  [Dutton] 
31. — Tho  Weaver  of  Weaver  als  Weawer  esq 

Arrj.  two  bars  sa.  on  a  canton  of  the  last  a  garb  or. 

[Weaver] 
32. — Margaret     daughter    to    Thomas    Venables    of 
Pownall 

Az.  two  bars  arg.      [Venables] 

RLNG  B. 

1. — Dauid  Chaloner  sonne  of  Howell 

2. — Rose  daughtr  and  heire  of  Ithwell  Anwell 

3. — Richard  Peake  of  LLuney  greene 

4. — Margaret  daughter  to  Sr  John  Donne  knight 

5. — Tonna  sonne  of  Jem  of  Rithlâd  in  fflintsh 

6. — Agnes  daughter  to  Ithell  ap  Kendrick 

7-8.— [Blank] 

9. — John  Mathew  of  Lluney  greene 

10.— [Blank] 

11. — Thomas  Byrchenshaw  of  Arloyd 

12. — Ivathren  daughter  &  heire  of  Richard  Pigott 

13. — Eirid  Midelton  sonne  of  Ririd  ap  Dauid 

14. — Mary  daughter  &  heir  of  Gruffith 

15. — John  Done  of  Vtkington  esq 

16. — Margaret  daughter  and  heir  of  Tho  Weaver  of 
Weaver 

RING  C. 

1. — Rice  Chaloner  of  Denbigh  sonne  of  Dd 

2. — Urselaw    daughter   to    Richard    Peake   of   Llvny 

greene 
3. — Jenkyn  Tonna  of  Rithland 


Two  Welsh  Hcraldic  Pedigrees.  21  • 

4.— [Blank] 

5. — Thomas  Mathew  of  Llvnney  greene 

6. — Margaret  daughter  to  Thomas  Byrchenshaw 

7. — Dauid  Midelton  sonne  of  Eirid 

8. — Ellen  daughter  of  John  done  esq 

ETNG  d. 

1. — Eobart  Chaloner  of  Denbigh  sonn  of  dd 

2. — Dauid  Chaloner  of  Denbigh  sonne  of  Eice 

3. — Agnnes  daughter  and  heir  of  Jenkÿ 

4. — Urselaw  Chaloner  Elizabeth  Chaloner  2  daughts 

5. — Jacob  Chaloner  Daniell  Chaloner  2  sons 

6. — Eichard  Mathew  of  Llvney  green 

7. — Jane  daughter  of  Dauid  Midelton  esq 

8. — Dowce  daughter  of  Eichard  Mathew 


'r-' 


CENTEE,  E. 

Thomas  Chaloner  of  Chester  mared  Elizabeth  da  to 
William  Allcock  of  Chester. 

SHIELDS,  TNMOST  ETNG. 

a.    Arg.  on  a  chev.  sa.  three  cherubs  or.  [Chaloner] ,  imp. 

arg.  a  fess  gu.  betw.  three  scythes  sa. ;  the  fess  charged 

lüith  an  escallop  or  for  diff.    [Alcock].    (Corresponds 

with  central  circle.) 
1).  Chaloner,  as  above  (a),  imp.  Sa.  a  lion  ramp.  betw.  three 

crosses  croslet  arg.  [Mathew].    (Corresponds  with  D.l 

and  D.8.) 
c.  Chaloner,  as  above  (a),  imp.  Erm.  a  saltire  gu.  charged 

lüith  a  crescent  or.   [Osborne  Fitzgerald   (Wyddel)]. 

(Corresponds  with  D.2  and  D.3.) 
(1.  Mathew,  as  above  (b),  imp.  Arg  on  a  bend  rert  three 

wolf's  heads  erased  silver.   [Middleton].    (Corresponds 

with  D.6  and  D.7.) 


2  1 6  Tzvo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees. 

OBSEEVATIONS  ON  THE  ABOVE  SHIELDS. 

N.B. — Except  where  noted  all  the  coats  are  recorded 
by  Papworth. 

The  Aems  of  Chaloner. 

Four  different  coats  are  assigned  to  the  Denbighshire 
Chaloners.  No.  1  is  Arg.  a  cross  flory  raguly  bctween  four 
choughs  or  crows  sa.  This  appears  to  be  a  variant  of  the 
Flintshire  coat  assigned  to  the  descendants  of  Edwin  of 
Tegeingle.  It  was  used  on  occasion  by  several  members 
of  the  clan,  including  Sir  Thomas  the  elder,  but  eventually 
seems  to  have  been  abandoned  for  the  other  coats,  No.  2, 
Arg.  on  a  chev.  sa.  three  hneeìing  angeìs  or  ;  3,  Arg.  on  a 
chcr.  sa.  threc  chembs,  faces  ppr.  wings  or  ;  and  4,  Sa.  a 
chev.  betw.  three  cherubs  or. 

No.  2  is  assigned  to  Maelog  Crwm,  Lord  of  Llechwedd 
isaf  and  Creuddyn,  founder  of  the  seventh  tribe  of  North 
Wales,  and  Nos.  3  and  4  were  used  by  various  descendants 
of  the  Denbigh  family  ;  No.  4  is  first  attributed  to  Madoc 
Crwm,  the  first  to  take  the  name  of  Chaloner  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  the  three  previous  generations  being 
given  Arg.  a  chev.  betio.  three  cranes  sa. 

Thomas  Chaloner  in  this  pedigree  gives  No.  4  to  his 
earliest  ancestor  recorded  on  it  (shield  Al),  but  adopts 
No.  3  in  the  case  of  himself  and  his  father  and  grandfather 
(shields  a,  b  and  c).  This  coat  also  appears  on  his  monu- 
ment  at  Chester  (fig.  3). 

What  must  be  intended  for  another  variety  of  the  arms 
appears  on  a  monument  in  Buthin  Church,  dated  1713, 
commemorating  Thomas  Boberts  of  '  Bryne  y  neuadd 
in  comitatu  Arvonise  Armiger  ' '  and  his  wife  Katharine 
daughter  of  John  Owen  of  "  Varchwell  in  eodem  comitatu 
Gen.".  An  inescutcheon  bears  the  coat  Az.  a  chev.  betw. 
three  hneeling  angels  or. 

The  only  explanation  given  of  the  origin  of  the  arms  is 


Two  Welsh  Hcraldic  Pcdiçrees.  2  1 


<-5 


to  be  found  in  B.M.  Add.  MS.  9804,  where  it  is  stated  that 

'  Trahairn  de  Chaloner  .   .   .  took  the  Lord  of  Chaloner 

prisoner  in  the  wars  in  France  and  took  possession  of  his 

lands  and   assumed  his  armorial  bearings,   viz.,   Argcnt 

on  a  chcrroìi  sable  tìircc  angcls  adoring  or  ",  also  that 

'  Trahairn  was  the  son  of  Gwilim  ap  Madog  ap  Maelawg 

Crwm  Lord  of  Llechwedd  Tsaf  and  Creuddÿn  in  the  time 

of  David  ap  Owen,  Prince  of  Norlli  Wales,  1175  ". 

Sir  Thomas  Chaloner  the  younger,  Ulster's  contem- 
porary,  used  the  cross  raguly  between  four  birds,  as  did 
his  father,  and  he  also  used  the  crest  confìrmed  to  his  great 
uncle,  David  Chaloner  of  Denbigh,  Ulster's  grandfather  ; 
but  on  his  monument  in  Chiswich  church  his  quartered 
shield  has  the  chevron  between  three  cherubs  in  the  first 
quarter  and  the  cross  and  birds  in  the  second. 

A3. — The  object  between  the  two  lions  is  a  very  rare 
charge  ;  "  hymmock  "  is  the  Welsh  "  humog  "  meaning  a 
bat  or  racket.  According  to  Kinmel  MS.  4,  in  the  National 
Library  of  WTales,  it  also  figured  in  the  arms  of  '  Tra- 
hayarn  Brenin  Peter  Aûr  '  Vert  a  hymmocke  arg.  betw. 
thrce  bezants.  The  hymmock  in  this  coat  is  recorded  in 
Papworth  as  "  a  Greek  phi ' '  and  elsewhere  it  is  described 
as  a  '  Eoman  P  '  (Genealogist,  n.s.  xix,  118).  Yet 
another  and  probably  more  correct  description  is  given 
by  Mr.  E.  A.  Ebblewhite  in  "  Flintshire  Genealogical 
Notes  ",  p.  85,  where  he  says  that  "  a  hummock  "  was  a 
sort  of  sling  shaped  like  a  P,  or  rather  an  instrument  for 
the  propulsion  of  a  missile  which  was  fixed  in  the  loop  at 
one  end  of  it.  The  two  sketches  ífig.  *2)1  illustrate  two 
methods  of  drawing  the  object  ;  A  is  from  a  drawing  in 
Add.  MS.  129  c  (p.  18)  in  the  National  Library  of  Wales, 
a  book  of  arms  formerly  in  the  possession  of  Sir  William 

1  See  page  225. 

Q 


2  1 8  Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pediçrees. 


Vì 


Betham,  Ulster;  and  B  from  Peniarth  MS.  128  (p.  357)  in 
the  same  collection.1 

A17. — Papworth  has  Or  a  lion  ramp.  sa.  betw.  three 
crosses  croslet  of  the  second  for  '  Mathew,  Llewenny 
Green  co.  Denbigh  ;  descended  from  Llandaff  ".  Mathew 
of  Llandaff  bore  Or  a  lion  ramp.  sa.  The  entry  here  is 
altered  and  there  is  an  illegible  word  struck  out  below. 

A21. — The  estoiles  are  omitted  bv  Paoworth,  but  Dwnn 
(II  346;  has  "  Argent  so  many  molets  Gules  about  the 
Pegus  Gwles  pasant  ". 

A23. — Papworth  omits  the  border. 

A26. — Not  in  Papworth. 

A31. — Papworth  gives  the  garb  as  argent. 

II. — The  Broughton  Pedigree. 

This  pedigree  (tìg.  4)  records  the  descent  and  marriage 
of  Richard  Broughton  of  Lower  Broughton  in  the  parish  of 
Bishops  Castle,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Marches. 
He  married  Ann,  daughter  of  Richard  Bagot  of  Blithfìeld, 
on  July  30th,  1577,  and  it  is  likely  that  this  date  is 
approximately  that  of  the  manuscript. 

Dwnn  also  gives  the  pedigree  of  Richard  "  Brogdyn  "2 
and  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  aristocracy  by  whom  he 
was  permitted  to  see  old  records.3  He  shows  a  single 
child,  Robert,  as  the  issue  of  the  marriage,  and  it  is  to  be 
noted  that  his  accounts  of  the  wives'  pedigrees  vary  on 
occasion  from  those  given  by  the  manuscript. 

Ann  Bagot  was  born  llth  May,  1555,  her  mother 
being  Mary  daughter  of  William  Saunders  of  YYelford, 
Northants.  Her  father  was  born  8th  December,  1529,  and 
\\,is  buried  at  Blithfield  2nd  February,  1596/7,  where  is 
his  monumental  inscription  ;  her  mother  was  buried  in  the 

1  See  Arch  Camb.   1895,  p.  321. 

2  Vol.    1,    p.   329. 
•1  Yol.  1,  p.  7.   . 


0^)a(^ 


F'g-  4.     The  Broughton  Pedigree. 

Tofaap  2i<). 


Fig.  4.     The  Broughton  Pedigree. 


To  facc  p.  2iq. 


Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees.  219 

same  place  22nd  March,  1608/9.1  Ann  Broughton's  por- 
trait  and  those  of  her  parents  are  preserved  at  Blithfield. 

As  to  the  domicile  of  Richard  Broughton's  ancestors, 
Hurdley  is  3  m.  S.E.  of  Montgomery  and  \\  m.  E.  of 
Church  Stoke,  while  "oües''  no  doubt  is  the  present 
Roveries  |  m.  N.E.  of  Snead  and  1  m.  from  Lower 
Broughton.  The  old  form  indicates  the  Anglo-Welsh 
derivation  of  the  present  name  from  '  Yr  Overies  ". 
Lower  Broughton  itself  is  1  m.  N.W.  of  Bishops  Castle 
and  \  m.  from  it  is  Upper  Broughton. 

Since  the  design  of  the  Broughton  pedigree  varies  only 
slightly  from  that  of  Chaloner  the  same  type  of  key  is 
adopted.  As  before,  shields  and  names  are  lettered  and 
numbered  in  rings,  but  the  description  begins  at  the 
bottom  of  the  outer  ring  with  the  name  of  the  earliest 
Broughton  ancestor. 

The  parchment  is  in  good  order,  and  the  drawing  of 
the  shields  is  in  most  cases  excellent  for  its  date  ;  in  some 
instances  they  have  been  altered,  and  more  than  one  hand 
can  be  traced  in  the  lettering.  The  diameter  of  the 
design  is  about  16J  inches. 

The  following  is  a  transcript ;  square  brackets  as  be- 
fore  indicate  additions. 

RING  A. 

1. — leolinus  fìl  Theodori  fil  Gruffini  de  hurdley  f  Thr 
f  mad  f  hoft  f  Rofeti  militis  f  Thr  f  madoc  de  oües  f  Eignon 
godris  f  Witti  f  Wm  d  etc 

Sa.  a  ckev.  betw.  three  owls  arg. 

[Broughton  ot'  Lower  Broughton] 
2._Alson    fil    Meredith    fil   Ade   moile  f  gfm  f  ftn  f 
Theodor  f  cad 

1  F.  A.  Crisp,  Yisitation  of  England  and  Wales  Notes,  Vol. 
10,  p.   140. 

Q   2 


220  Tiüo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedi°rees. 

1  atul  4,  arg.  ihree  boar's  heads  couped  sa.  2  and  3,  gu. 
a  lion  ramp.  regard.  or.     [Elystan  Glodrydd] 
[Above  the  shield   is   written   "Elistan",   and  in  the 
centre  of  the  circle  "Ithell  "  has  been  erased.] 

3. — Jevan  Gethin  ap  dd  ap  meredith  ap  dd  ap  Ris  ap 
Juor  hen 

Or  a  lion  ramp.  az.      [Bleddyn  ap  Cynfyn  ?] 
[Above  the  shield  is  written  "o  lion  R..B.".] 
4. — Eua  fìl  dd  ap  gr'  ap  owen  ap  dd  ap  Eignon  [blank] 
distein 

Arg.  a  cross  engr.  botonnée  gu.  betw.four  choughs. 
[No  botonnée  cross  is  recorded  by  Papworth — perhaps 
intended  forOwain  of  Tegeingle.] 

5. — meredith   ap  Jolin    ap  Ada  vichan   ap    Jeuan   ap 
Jerwerth  voil 

Arg.  a  lion  pass.  sa.  the  fore  feet  fettered  or. 

[Madoc  ap  Adda  Foel] 
6. —  [Blanlc]    filia  madoci  ap  nieredith  ap  Ada.  v.  ap 
Ada  ap  lln  ap  mad  ap  Jer' 

Arg.  a  cross.  fiory  engr.  sa.  betw.  four  choìighs,  on  a 
chief  az.  a  boar's  head  couped  siher.     [Idnerth  Benfras] 
7. — dauid   fìl   hoel.   iscolhaig.   i.    Beau   clerlc.    [blanlc] 
Judex  aruistly 

Az.  a  grijjin  arg.  armed  gu.     [Painted  over  Or  a  lion 
ramp.  az.  for  Bleddyn  ap  Cynfyn.] 

[Above  the  shield  is  an  erased  and  illegible  word,  no 
doubt  connected  with  the  alteration.] 

8. — Agnes  la  triû  fil  et  coher'  Gruffini  de  Broughton  f 
Jenlcin  f  Joh  f  wri  f  wri  f  wri 

Sa.  three  owls  arg.    [Broughton  of  Upper  Broughton] 
9. — meredith    ap   holt  ap   mer'   ap   ada  ap   madoc  ap 
malgon  ap  Cadwallon  ap  Madoc  ap  Idnerth  ap  Cadogan 
ap  Athlestâ  glodrith 
Arms  as  no.  2. 


Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees.  221 

10. — maud  v'z  Jenlcin  ap  euan  ap  madoc  ap  Eirid  ap 
holl  ap  Trahaiern  ap  Pasgen  ap  gwm  ap  gr'  ap  Beli 
Sa.  three  horse's  heads  erased  arg. 

[Ysgythrog,  Prince  of  Powjs] 
11. — madoc  ap  Evan  goz  ap  mad  ap  Einon  ap  holl  ap 
Tudr  ap  cadr  ap  einon  vichä  ap  einö  ap  euá  ap  grono  ap 
Juor  ap  Jdnerth  ap  cad  ap  A.  gl. 
Arms  as  no.  2. 
12. — gwenhoiuar  v'z  dd  ap  cadogan  ap  ph  dordj  ap  holl 
ap  madoc  ap  Trahaiern  ap  gr'  goz  ap  gr'  velin  ap  grono 
ap  gurgen  ap  hoedliu  ap  Cadogan  ap  A.  glodr'. 
Arms  as  no  2. 
13. — Gruff  Dewrwas  ap  meuric  lloid  ap  mc  vichan  ap 
Juir  ap  mc  ap  mad'  ap  Cadogan  ap  Blethin 
Arms  as  no  3. 
14. — mallt  fii  Jeuan  lloid  ap  Jeuá  blajne  ap  Jeuan  ap 
cadjuor  [blank]  Energlin 

Sa.  a  spear  head  arg.  embrued  ppr.  betiu.  three  scal- 
iug  ladders  süver  two  and  one,  on  a  chief  gu.  a  tower 
triple  towered  arg.      [Cadifor  ap  Djfnwal] 
15. — Dauid  lloid  ap  dd  ap  Einon  ap  holl  ap  Theodor 
ap  Eignon  vichâ  ap  Eignon  ap  Jeuä  etc 
Arms  as  no.  2. 
16. — Gwenllian  fìi  owini  ap  gr'  ap  Eignon  ap  gr'  ap 
Ejnon  ap  gwriad — Towin 

Gu.  a  chev.  betw.  in  chief  two  fleurs  de  lis  and  in  base 
a  lion  ramp.  or.     [Rhjs  ap  Meredjdd  of  Towjn] 
[Papworth  gives  the  field  az.~\ 
17. — gr'  ap  euä  ap  madoc  ap  Gwenwis 

Arms  as  no.  10. 
18. — maud  v'z  gr'  ap  Ris  ap  euä  vichan  ap  euan  ap  Ris 
ap  llwdden  ap  Jorwerth  ap  Vchtrid  ap  Edwin 
Gu.  a  griffin  segreant  or.      [Llawdden?] 


222  Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedẁrees 


á 


19. — Gruff  de  Broughton 

Arms  as  no.  8. 

20. — Gwenhoiuar  v'z  dd  viehä   ap  euä  ap  dd  goz  ap 

Theodor  yichan  ap  Tud1'  goz  ap  Tuder  lloid  ap  Ednowen 

ap  Bradwen 

Gu.  3  snaJces  nowed  arg.  [redrawn] 

[Ednowain  ap  Bradwen] 

21. — Erward    ap  Einon   ap   gr'   ap   lln'    ap    keiif'c  ap 

Robert  ap  osbert  gwithel  i  hifenic9 

Erm.  a  saltire  gu.  charged  witìi  a  crescent  or. 

[Osborne  Fitzgerald  (Wyddel)] 

22. — Gwenllian  filia  kenfric  ap  Robt  [blank]  Tegiengle 

Arg.  a  cross  engr.  Jlory  sa.  betw.  four  chougìis. 

[Edwin  of  Tegeing-le] 

[Painted  over  Arg.  a  chev.  sa.  betw.  three      ? 

23. — Gruff  Dewrwas  ap  mc  Uoid  mc  vichan  ap  Juir  ap 

mc  etc. 

Arms  as  no.  3. 

24. — mallt  fil  Jeuan  Uoid  ap  Jeuan  blayne  ap  Jeuan  ap 

Cadiuor  [blanlc]  De  Energlin 

Arms  as  no.  14. 

25. — gr'  vichan   ap  gr'  ap  Jeuä   ap  hilin  ap  Jeuâ  ap 

Adda  [blank]  De  mochnant 

Sa.  on  a  bend.  or  a  lion  pass.  gu.  [perhaps  intended 

for  Cynwrig  Efell,  Gu.  on  a  bend  arg.  a  lion  pass.  sa.-] 

2b\—  [Blank.] 

27. — Dauid  kiffin  ap  mad  ap  madoc  goz  kiffin  ap  Jeuaf 

ap  kyhelin  ap  Run  ap  Einö  Euelh 

Arg.  a  chev.  gu.  betw.  tìiree  pJieons,  tJie  two  in  cJtief 

h/ing  fesswise  point  to  point  and  that  in  the  base  erect  sa. 

"  [Kyffyn] 

28. — Kathina  fil.  morga  ap  dd.  ap  morgan 

Arg.  semy  of  slips  ofbroom  vert,  a  lion  ramp  or. 

[Sandde  Hardd] 

29. — Jeuä  Blayne  ap  gr'  ap  Ueh  vichan  ap  llen  ap  meilir 

gric  ap  gr'  ap  Jerwerth  ap  owen  ap  Rodri  ap  waeden 

Arms  as  no.  10. 


Tzvo  Welsh  Hcraldic  Pedigrees.  223 

30.— Elen  v'z  llen  ap  dd  ap  Euä  lloid  ap  lln  ap  Tuder  ap 
Einon  ap  Sitsilt  arglwidd  merionith 

Ârg.  a  lion  pass  guard.  sa.  behv.  threefleurs  de  lis  gu. 

[Einion  ap  Sitsyllt] 
31. — hoft  ap  meredith  vichan  [blank]  or  mais  maur 

Or  a  lion  ramp.  sa. 
[?  for  Grwaethfoed — whose  lion  is  usually  regardant.] 
32. — Kath'  ap  dd  ap  hoft  ap  cadr  ap  hoìi  vichan  ap  hott 
ap  gr'  ap  hoft  Sais  ap  hoft  ap  llision  ap  Ris  vichä  ap  gr' 
ap  Eis  ap  Theodor 

Gu.  a  lion  ramp.  within  a  border  indented  or. 

[Ehys  ap  Tudor] 

RING  B. 

1-2.— Jeuan  fit  llfi  fil  Theodor  =  Eua 

1  imp.  3. 
3-4.— leolinus  Dithor  =  Eosa  fil  et  heres 

5  imp.  7. 
5-6. — Jeuan  ap  meredith  ap  hoft  =  Jonet 

9  imp.  11. 
7-8. — gwilim  Dewrwas  =  Elen 

13  imp.  14  {Sic,  it  should  be  15). 
9-10.— Gruff'  vichan  miles  =  Margreta  vna  triü  fit  & 
Coher' 

17  imp.  19. 
11-12.— Jenldn  ap  Erward  ep  Einion  =  Ellin 

21  iuip.  23. 
13-14. — Jeuan  ap  gr'  vichan  =  gwenhoiu' 

25  imp.  27. 
15-16. — gr'  ap  Jeuan  Blayne  =  gwenllian 

29  imp.  81. 

RING  C. 

1-2.— Cadr  fil  Jeuan  fil  lleh  de  Broughton  =  Margreta 
fil  et  lieres 

1  inrp.  5. 


224  Tivo  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedigrees. 

3-4. — John  lloid  ap  euä  =  Margaret 

9  imp.  13. 
5-6. — Reignold  ap  Sir  gr'  =  Maud  2a  vxor 

17  imp.  21. 
7-8. — dd  lloid  ap  Jeuan  =  Maud 

25  imp.  29. 

RING  D. 

1-2. — Jofres  fil  Cadr  de  Broughton  =  Elizabeth 

17  imp.  25. 
3-4. — John  Win  ap  Reignold  de  Broughton  =  Elen 

1  imp.  9. 

RING  E. 

1-2. — Robertus  Brougfhton  =  Jana 
1  imp.  17. 

RING  F. 

1-2. — Ricüs  Broughtoh  =  Anna  fil  Ricî  bagot 

Broughton  of  Lower  Broughton  (A.l)  quartering 
Madoc  ap  Adda  Foel  (A.5)  ;  Bleddyn  ap  Cynfyn  (A.3)  ; 
and  Broughton  of  Upper  Broughton  (A.8)  :  impaling 
Bagot,  arg.  a  chev.  gu.  behueen  three  martlets  sa.  quar- 
tering  Bagot,  Erm.  three  cìievs.  az  [altered  from  gu.~]  ; 
Stafford,  or  a  chev.  gu.  ;  Malory,  or  a  lìon  ramp.  double 
tailed  gu.  ;  Blithfield,  Per  pale  indented  arg.  and  sa.; 
and  Wastneys,  Sa.  a  lion  ramp.  double  tailed  arg. 
collared  gu. 

Another  target  pedigree  is  preserved  in  Taunton 
museum,  it  is  dated  1626  and  records  the  names  and 
heraldry  of  the  ancestors  of  Edward  Somerset,  Marquess 
of  Worcester  (1601-1667)  to  the  sixth  generation.  The 
outer  ring  contains  64  shields,  twice  as  many  as  the  two 
here  described.      (See  Somerset  Archceological  and  N.  Hist. 


■ 

I 


Fig.  3.  Tofacep.225. 

The  Chaloner  Monument  in  St.  Michael's  Church,  Chester. 


Two  Welsh  Heraldic  Pedio-rees. 


225 


Soc.  Proceedìngs,  vol.  62,  p.  lxxv.     I  owe  this  reference  to 
Mr.  H.  St.  GeorgeGray.) 


Fig.  2  (see  p.  217). 


APPENDIX. 

The  inscription  011  Thomas  Chaloner's  monument  on 
the  wall  of  the  N.  aisle  in  St.  Michael's  church,  Chester 
(fig.  3)  runs  thus  : — 

Hic  iacet  corpvs  Thom^;  Chaloneri  nvper  de  hac 

VRBE  CIVIS,  QVEM  PATER  PATRATVS  A  TRENTA  IN  BOREAM, 
SIBI  AD  DIEM  OBITVS  14°  MAIJ  A°  1598  SVRROGARAT  QVO 
MAGNO  SVI  DESIDERIO  EXPIRAVIT. 

which  may  be  translated  : — Here  lies  the  body  of  Thoinas 
Chaloner  late  citizen  of  this  town,  whom  the  chief  herald 
froui  the  Trent  northwards1  had  appointed  as  his  deputy 
on  the  day  of  his  death  14  May  1598  [On  attaining]  this 
his  great  ambition  he  breathed  his  last. 

'  i.e.,  "  Norroy  Kinge  of  Armes,  of  the  East,  West,  and  North 
partes  of  ye  realm  of  England  from  the  river  of  Trent  north- 
wards,"  as  Plower  describes  himself  in  a  grant  of  arms  dated  1575, 
printed  in  the  Yorhshire  Archceological  Journal  xviii,  121. 


(ttoíee  on  íÇe  (#nne  of  (0í&0op 
(Utc^ofae  (RoBínsom 

By  w.  j.  hemp,  f.s.a. 


Archdeacon  Evans'  paper  on  Nicholas  Robinson  in  Vol. 
XXXIX  of  Y  Cymmrodor  throws  light  on  an  error  of 
long  standing  in  connection  with  the  Bishop's  arms.  The 
late  sixteenth  century  glass  shield  at  Knebworth  (No.  3, 
p.  149)  correctly  records  his  armorial  achievement,  namely, 
the  arms  of  the  See  of  Bangor  impaling  his  paternal  coat, 
together  with  that  of  his  wife. 

Bishop  Robinson  uses  the  arins  of  Norris  : — Çuarterìy 
arg.  and  gu.  in  the  second  and  third  guarters  a  fret  or, 
over  aìl  a  fess  az.  charged  with  a  crescent  for  difference 
(this  difference  recording  the  fact  that  he  was  a  second 
son),  impaling  Arg.  tieo  bars  sa.  irith  a  crescent  for  differ- 
ence,  the  arms  of  Brereton  (a  branch  descended  from  a 
second  son)  ;  for,  as  shown  by  the  pedigree  on  p.  195,  he 
was  fourth  in  direct  descent  from  Sir  William  Norreys  of 
Speke,  being  the  second  son  of  John  Robins,  and  his  wife 
was  Jane  daughter  of  Randal  Brereton  (p.  165). 

We  have  here  an  interesting  case  of  an  English  family 
of  position  resident  in  Wales,  adopting  the  Welsh  usage 
as  regards  its  "  surnames  ". 

Modern  books  of  reference,  following  a  mistahe  which 
seems  to  have  first  appeared  in  so  respectable  an  authority 
as  Lewys  Dwnn's  '  Heraldic  Yisitations  of  Wales", 
dated  about  1(516  (Vol.  II,  p.  13),  give  Bishop  Robinson's 
arms  as  Az.  a  chev.  between  3  sheanes  of  arroics  arg.  ; 
actually    this    is   the    shield    of   the    Conway    family   of 


Notes  on  Arms  of  Bishop  Nicholas  Robinson.    227 

Brickdall,  to  which  his  mother  belonged,  she  being  Ellen 
daughter  of  William  Brickdall  (p.  152).  Dwnn's  entry  is 
(juoted  in  a  íootnote  on  p.  183  and  fortunately  it  contains 
a  clue  to  the  origin  of  the  error,  as,  following  a  somewhat 
muddled  description  of  the  Brickdall  arms,  assigned  to 
'  Nicholas  Robins  ",  it  also  gives  those  of  the  See,  add- 
ing  that  "  they  are  011  his  tomb  to-day  ".  The  inference 
seenis  to  be  that  the  memorial  stone,  which  bore  an  effìgy 
or  effigies  together  with  shields  and  an  inscription  in 
brass,  as  recorded  by  Hliss's  '  Athenae  Oxonienses", 
which  the  Archdeacon  quotes  on  p.  182,  had  already  lost 
one  or  more  of  its  shields  in  Dwnn's  time,  and  that  of 
those  remaining  one  bore  the  maternal  arms  of  Brickdall, 
which  Dwnn  assumed  to  have  been  the  Bishop's  own,  and 
another  those  of  the  See  of  Bangor.  If ,  as  is  likely,  there 
were  at  least  four  shields,  one  at  each  corner  of  the  slab, 
one  of  the  missing  ones  would  have  displayed  the  paternal 
coat  of  Norris. 

Unfortunately  this  mistake  of  long  standing  has  had  a 
modern  sequel,  as  Fig.  2  of  the  illustration  opposite  p.  149 
shows  the  Brickdall  arms  as  placed  in  1913  in  the  college 
chapel  at  ^Yinchester  to  conimemorate  the  bishop's  son 
Hugh,  who  was  headmaster  of  the  college  from  1613  to 
16-27. 

Bedford's  "  Blazon  of  Episcopacy  ",  as  well  as  giving 
Bishop  Robinson  the  Brickdall  arms  on  the  authority  of 
an  illustration  in  Samuel  Drahe's  edition  of  Archbishop 
Parker's  "  De  Anticjuitate  Britanniae  Ecclesiae  "  (1729) 
probably  derived  from  Dwnn,  also  perpetuates  another 
source  of  confusion,  as  it  quotes  from  the  Hon.  R.  H. 
Clive's  History  of  Ludlow,  in  which  book  there  occurs 
on  p.  208  a  statement  (quoted  as  '  contemporary  evi- 
dence  "  from  a  MS.  in  the  possession  of  John  Mytton  of 
Halston  Hall  in  1823)  that  among  the  arms  and  inscrip- 


228   Notes  on  Arms  of  Bishop  Nicholas  Robinson. 

tions  which  once  decorated  the  Council  Chamber  of  the 
Council  in  the  Marches  of  Wales  in  Ludlow  Castle  there 
existed  the  following  : — "  Nych'as  Robinson,  1.  bishop  of 
Bangor.  Thys  byshop  died  the  ....  daye  of  December, 
Anno  Domini  1585.  Arms,  Guìes  a  bend  gutty  de  poix 
between  two  mullets  pìerced  argent;  impaled  with  quar- 
terly  1  and  4  argent  a  chevron  between  three  eagles  heads 
erased  sable,  2  and  3  argent  firc  bendlets  gules  ". 

I  have  not  traced  any  individual  to  whom  these  arms 
(which  according  to  Papworth  can  only  be  Bewley  of 
Kent  quartering  Talbot — assuming  that  they  are  accur- 
ately  recorded)  can  be  assigned,  and  it  may  be  that  in  the 
course  of  one  of  the  various  refurbishings  of  the  castle1 
the  boards  bearing  some  of  the  256  coats  of  arms  may  have 
been  taken  apart  and  so  re-assembled  that  the  wrong  im- 
palement  was  set  up  with  the  bishop's  name  and  the  arms 
of  his  See. 

It  is,  however,  possible  to  suggest  another  explanation 
of  the  muddle,  more  interesting  and  perhaps  more  prob- 
able  ;  this  rests  on  the  fact  that  a  well  known  branch  of 
the  Norris  family  of  Speke,  which  was  seated  at  Ockwells 
in  the  parish  of  Bray,  Berks,  adopted  the  arms  of  Ravens- 
croft,  as  a  result  of  a  marriage  with  the  heiress  of  the 
Ravenscrofts  of  Cotton.  One  head  of  this  family,  Sir 
John  Norris,  who  died  in  1446,  married  Alice  Merbrooke, 
heiress  of  Yattendon,  co.  Berks,  and  her  arms  were  quar- 
tered  by  his  descendants.2 

Now  these  adopted  arms  of  liavenscroft  were  Arg.  a 
cìur.  between  thrcc  ravens  heads  erased  sa. ;  while  the 
arms  of  Merbrooke  were  Bendy  of  six  az.  and  or  a 
border  gu. 

1  See  C.  A.  J.  Skeel,  "  The  Council  of  the  Marches  in  Wales," 
pp.  185-187. 

2  For  the  pedigree  see  C.  Kerry,  "  The  History  and  Antiqmties 

of  Bray,"  1862. 


Notes  on  Arms  of  Bishop  Nicholas  Robinson.   229 

The  hrass  in  Bwelme  Church,  Oxon,  commemorating 
Edward  Norrys  who  died  in  L529,  includes  a  shield  011 
which  his  arms  are  represented  by  Norris  (Ravenscroft) 
quartering  Merbrooke,  and  this  quartered  shield  very 
closely  resembles  the  arms  assigned  to  Bishop  Robinson. 
The  suggestion  I  put  forward  is  that  the  heraldic  agent 
who  was  commissioned  to  erect  the  memorial  arms  to 
Bishop  Robinson  at  Ludlow,  being  told  that  he  used  the 
Norris  arms,  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were 
those  used  by  the  well  known  family  of  Oçkwells.  The 
differences — eagles'  heads  instead  of  ravens'  heads  in  the 
first  and  fourth  quarters  and  the  wrong  colouring  and 
absence  of  the  border  in  the  second  and  third  quarters— 
could  easily  be  explained  by  carelessness  on  the  part  of 
the  recorder  or  possibly  the  painter  of  the  arms.  Similar 
instances  of  carelessness  are  only  too  familiar  to  the 
student  of  heraldrv. 


tt 


"  Qttamtx>j>0 

TEXTUAL  EEFEEENCES  by  T.  P.  ELLIS,  M.A. 


In  1926,  I  published  two  volumes  on  '  Welsh  Tribal 
Law  and  Custom  in  the  Middle  Ages  ",  and  among  other 
subjects  dealt  with  therein  was  that  of  'mamwys", 
which  was  discussed  at  length  and  explained  in  Yol.  I, 
pp.  70,  172,  186,  187,  188,  250,  262,  394,  427,  428,  455, 
and  Vol.  II,  pp.  291,  305,  328,  353,  363,  et  seq. 

The  conclusion  arrived  at,  after  studying  the  various 
references  to  it,  was  that  this  "  right  of  '  mamwys  ' 
was  a  right  acquired  by  a  man  through  his  mother  (mam) , 
and  it  was  pointed  out,  by  reference  to  the  authorities, 
how  it  arose,  how  it  operated,  and  how  it  was  enforced. 
The  conclusion  on  these  points  was,  in  the  main,  in 
consonance  with  the  conclusions  of  all  who  had  hitherto 
studied  the  texts  of  the  Welsh  Laws. 

Without  considering  either  the  texts  or  the  nature  of 
the  right  involved  in  "  mamwys  ",  the  Editor  of  a  Welsh 
periodical,  who  claims  to  be  a  philological  'expert", 
condemned  the  extensive  study  of  "  mamwys  "  in  those 
volumes  in  the  following  words,  which  I  venture  to  trans- 
late  into  English  : — 

' '  Throughout  the  book,  it  is  assumed  that  '  mamwys  '  is 
derived  from  '  mam  '  ;  and  some  of  the  subject-matter  is 
founded  on  this  blunder.  It  is  a  mutation  of  '  mabwys  ',  that 
is  '  mabwysiad  '  (adoption)  ". 

That  is  a  very  serious  allegation  to  make,  namely,  that 
simply  on  a  misunderstanding  of  a  word,  an  explanation 
of  the  institution  was  evolved,  through  some  sort  of  mis- 
placed  ingenuity,  which  the  textual  authorities  do  not 
permit  of. 


"  Mamwys  ".  231 

The  assertion  is  quite  untrue,  for  the  conclusions 
arrived  at  were  based  not  on  the  word  itself,  nor  on  any 
possible  derivation  of  it,  but  on  a  collation  of  all  the 
sections  in  the  Codes  and  Anon.  Laws  dealing  with  the 
subject. 

To  make  such  assertions  is  easy  ;  to  combat  and  dis- 
prove  them  requires  a  detailed  array  of  all  the  facts. 

Here  I  propose  to  deal  with  all  the  references  there 
are  to  "  mamwys  "  in  the  ancient  Laws,  from  which  it 
will,  I  think,  be  perfectly  clear  that  the  conclusions 
drawn  in  my  volumes  from  the  texts  were  correct,  and 
that  it  is  the  philological  "  expert  "  who  has  fallen  into 
error. 

Let  me  begin  by  saying  that,  in  full  agreement  with 
most  Welsh  scholars,  I  regard  "  mamwys  "  as  a  deriva- 
tive  from  "  mam  ",  not  on  any  "  philological  "  grounds, 
but — as  I  have  said — on  the  grounds  that  the  references  to 
the  subject  in  the  Laws  clearly  indicate  that  that  is  so. 

The  word  has,  as  I  shall  point  out,  a  double  implica- 
tion  in  the  Laws,  but  in  both  cases  the  word  itself  is 
referable  to  "  mam  "  and  not  to  "  mab  ".  It  will  be 
found  that  it  is  expressed  in  Latin  sometimes  as  "  ex 
parte  matris  ",  and  sometimes  in  Welsh  as  "  o  barth  y 
fam",  and  frequently  in  juxtaposition  with  "  tadwys  ' 
and  "  tref  tad  ".  In  its  principal  connotation,  it  implies 
a  right  derived  from  a  cognatic  relationship  through  the 
mother  in  contradistinction  to  a  right  derived  from  an 
agnatic  relationship  through  the  father  :  in  its  less  fre- 
quent  connotation  it  implies  a  previous  generation  in  a 
pedigree  table  calculated  maternally  in  contradistinction 
to  "  tadwys  ",  a  prior  generation  calculated  paternally. 

It  is,  therefore,  primarily  a  conception  of  relationship 
through  the  mother,  with  rights  accruing  from  such  re- 
lationship,  and  it  has  to  be  rendered,  in  modern  phraseo- 


232  "  Mamiuys  ". 

logy,  according  to  the  context,  at  different  times  in 
different  ways,  exactly  as  the  word  '  cenedl  '  which 
implies  'ldnship",  and  '  tref  tat  '  which  implies  a 
paternal  relationship  and  rights  accruing  theref rom ,  have 
to  be  rendered. 

In  early  law  we  come  across  two  things  in  the  matter 
of  descent,  the  one,  rights  acquired  through  the  mother 
(identifiable  with  '  mamwys  "),  and  the  other,  rights 
acquired  through  "adoption".  'Adoption"  is,  however, 
nowhere  practised,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  save  where  there 
is  a  failure  of  lineal  male  heirs  ;  it  is  a  religious  or  quasi- 
religious  bond  in  its  nature,  and  it  is  usually  effected  by 
means  of  a  distinct  ceremonial.  It  does  not  exist,  as  a 
legal  institution  conferring  rights  upon  the  "  adoptee  ", 
in  a  Christian  country.  It  does  not,  and.  never  has,  existed 
in  Welsh  law,  and  to  identify  "  mamwys  "  with  "  mab- 
wysiad  ",  as  a  legal  conception,  is  an  error.  But  rights 
acquired  through  the  mother  can  exist  under  all  systems 
of  law,  except  a  strictly  agnatic  one,  and,  it  may  be  re- 
marked,  passim,  that  there  is  no  evidence  proving  the 
existence  of  a  society  among  civilised  races  which  carries 
the  ' '  agnatic  ' '  basis  to  a  f ull  and  complete  logical  con- 
clusion.  In  societies  with  an  agnatic  bias  (and  such 
societies  are  numerous),  it  is  nevertheless  constantly  in 
evidence,  either  as  a  possible  survival  from  an  older  state 
of  society  or  as  a  mitigation  of  the  rigours  of  the  agnatic 
rule,  being  brought  into  operation  by  means  of  a  legal 
fiction  in  many  instances,  in  others,  as  a  simple  rule  of 
law,  without  a  legal  fiction  ;  and  as  the  texts,  which  I 
am  proceeding  to  consider,  establish,  it  did  exist  in  early 
Wales.  The  "  cognatic  "  conception  has  always  struggled 
for  recognition,  even  in  the  most  pronounced  "  agnatic  ' 
societies. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  the  word  "  mamwys  ' 


"  Mamwys".  233 

is  used  in  the  Welsh  Laws  with  two  separate  implica- 
tions.     I  shall  start  with  the  less  frequent  one  first. 

Now,  it  is  remarkable  that  in  the  less  frequent  sense 
the  word  is  used  only  in  the  Venedotian  Code,  and,  in  the 
main,  only  in  the  oldest  MS.  of  that  Code.  This  fact 
helps  us  to  ascertain  the  primary  philological  derivation 
of  the  word. 

As  all  conversant  with  the  Welsh  Laws  are  aware, 
minute  rules  are  laid  down  therein  for  the  levy  or  distri- 
bution  of  "  galanas  "  or  "  wergild  ".  Part  of  the  levy 
was  imposed  on  the  mother-kin,  part  on  the  father-kin. 

In  V.C.  Bk  III,  c  i,  §  12,  we  have  the  following  pass- 
age,  dealing  with  the  law  of  "  galanas  "  : — 

"  Pwybynnac  auo  llowrud  galanas  cubyl  a  dyguyd  arnaw. 
Ac  ual  hyn  y  rennyr  galanas.  .  .  .  Or  deuparth  a  a  ary  genedyl 
y  trayan  ar  genedyl  mam  y  llowrud  ar  deuparth  ar  genedyl  y 
tat  ac  y  uelly  y  cerda  yr  alanas  o  uamwys  y  uamwys  hyt  y 
seythuet  (ach  neur  seithuet)  uamioys." 

Whoever  be  a  murderer,  the  whole  "  galanas  "  falls  on 
him.  And  the  "  galanas  "  is  divided  in  this  way.  .  .  .  Of  the 
two  parts  which  fall  upon  the  kin,  one-third  upon  the  kin  of 
the  murderer's  mother,  and  two-thirds  on  the  kin  of  the 
father,  and  so  the  "  galanas  "  proceeds  from  "  mamwys  " 
to  "  mamwys  ",  right  up  to  the  seventh  ascent  in  the  pedigree 
or  the  seventh  "  mamwys  ". 


Here  ' '  mamwys  ' '  has  to  be  rendered  as  the  ' '  ascend- 
ing  degree  calculated  maternally  ",  "  ach  "  being  confined 
to  paternal  ascent. 

In  the  oldest  MS.  of  the  Code  (Titus  D.II.)  the  cor- 
responding  provision,  §  20,  is  given  thus  : — 

"Ar  deu  parth  a  dyguyd  ar  e  henedel.  .  .  ac  e  uelly 
kemerent  er  hynafguyr  or  henedloed  a  dottent  ar  uamuys 
traean  ac  ar  taduys  deuparth  ", 

which  is  rendered  thus  : — 

And  two  parts  fall  upon  the  kin.  .  .  and  so  the  oldest 
men  of  the  kins  are  to  take  it  and  impose  upon  the  mother- 
stock   one-third,   and   upon   the   father-stock  two-thirds. 

R 


234  "  Mamwys". 

The  juxtaposition  of  "  tadwys  "  with  "  mamwys  "  in 
this  passage  is  noteworthy. 

We  find  the  same  juxtaposition  in  two  other  passages 
in  this,  the  most  ancient,  MS.,  one  of  which  deals  with 
the  distribution  of  the  "  galanas  "  levy  among  the  rela- 
tives  of  the  slain,  the  other  with  the  levy  of  what  is  called 
"  dispersed  galanas  ".     In  §  22,  we  read  : — 

"  E  deu  parth  etwa  ranner  en  try  tliraean  ar  traean  or 
deuparth  hunnu  aet  ar  henedel  e  uam  a  guedy  henne  hynafguyr 
e  henedloed  aent  a  thraeanhent  huy  trayan  e  uamuys  a  deu- 
parth  y  taduys  ". 

And  then  the  two  parts  are  to  be  divided  into  three  thirds, 
and  one-third  of  the  two  parts  shall  go  to  the  kin  of  the  mother, 
and  thereafter  the  oldest  men  of  tlie  kins  shall  go  and  divide 
into  thirds  the  third  of  the  mother-stoek  and  the  two-thirds 
of  the  father-stock ; 

while  in  §  23  it  is  stated  : — 

"  Val  hyn  e  rennyr  galanas  guasgarauc A  honno 

ny  rennyr  na  herwyd  mamuys  na  herwyd  taduys". 

Thus  is  dispersed  "  galanas  "  to  be  divided.  .  .  .  And  it 
shall  be  divided  neither  according  to  mothei'-stock,  nor  accord- 
ing  to  father-stock, 

the  mode  of  levy  being  not  by  stock,  but  by  heads. 

Now  if  the  word  "  adoption  "  or  any  derivate  of 
"  mab  "  be  substituted  in  any  one  of  these  passages  for 
the  meaning  assigned  to  "  mamwys  ",  the  passages  will  be 
utterly  meaningless,  with  no  bearing  whatsoever  on  the 
well-known  rules  of  levy  and  distribution  of  "  galanas  "  : 
for  it  may  be  remarked,  passim,  that  in  no  case  was  a 
son  ever  responsible  for  "  galanas  "  due  on  account  of  a 
murder  by  his  father. 

Before  proceeding  further  we  may  note  that  this 
juxtaposition  of  "  tadwys  '  and  '  mamwys  "  occurs  in 
the  Anon.  Laws,  in  Bk  X,  c  vii,  §  20  (vide  infra),  and  in 
Bk  IX,  c  xxxviii,  §  3,  in  connection  with  matters  other 
than  "  galanas  ". 

The  latter  passage  runs  :  — 


"  Mamwys  ".  235 


k 


A    oes    vn    dyn    addylyo    dyrot    y    tir  heb    dadwys  heb 

marmoys,  heb  ystyn  arglwyd?    Oes.  .  .    .  ", 

the  quotation  continuing  with  a  subject  of  no  import  to 
the  present  point.    This  passage  can  be  rendered  thus  : — 

Is  there  any  man  entitled  to  eome  upon  land  without 
father-right,  without  mother-right,  without  investiture  by  the 
lord?     There  is.   .  .   . 

Turning  to  the  more  frequent  sense  of  '  mamwys  ", 
the  Welsh  law  provides  that,  in  certain  circumstances,  a 
son  was  entitled  to  claim  a  share  in  his  mother's  father's 
property.  Such  circumstances  arose  when  the  son  had  no 
'  tref  tad  '  (paternal  ancestral  property)  to  which  he 
could  succeed  as  a  free  man,  or  where  he  had  lost  any 
such  "  tref  tad  "  by  an  act  which  benefited  his  mother's 
father's  family. 

The  former  arose  where  a  man  (or  his  sons)  married 
his  daughter  to  an  ' '  alltud  '  (unfree  foreigner)  ;  where 
she  was  violated  by  an  '  alltud  ' '  through  lack  of  pro- 
tection  from  her  father ;  or  similar  cases  where  the  father 
had  not  provided  for  his  daughter,  as  he  was  expected  to 
provide,  a  husband  who  was  himself  possessed  of  '  tref 
tad  "  which  he  could  transmit  to  his  and  her  sons.  If  he 
failed  in  his  duties  to  his  daughter,  her  children  were 
entitled  to  claim  a  share  in  their  mother's  father's  "  tref 
tad  "  pari  passu  with  his  male  lineal  heirs  by  virtue  of 
the  wrong  done  to  their  mother.  The  latter  became  a 
"  conduit  "  passing  on  to  her  son  a  free  man's  share  to 
an  estate  in  her  own  paternal  family's  property. 

That,  in  brief,  is  the  law  of  "  mamwys  "  ;  and  if  the 
texts  establish  that  position,  as  they  do,  it  is  clear  that 
"  mamwys  "  is  a  derivative  from  "  mam  ". 

We  have  in  the  Laws  two  important  sets  of  refer- 
ences,  the  one  dealing  with  the  right  itself,  the  other  with 
the  method  of  enforcing  that  right. 

r  2 


236  "  Mamwys  ". 

The  most  important  references  to  the  first  set  are  to 
be  found  in  the  Venedotian  Code. 
(i).  V.C.  Bk.  II,  c.  i,  §  59. 

"  Oderuyt  roy  Camaraes  yallchit  a  bot  plant  meybyon 
vthunt  e  plant  adele  treftat  ouamuys,  eythir  na  deleant  ran  or 
tetyn  breynyaul  hyd  etredet  dyn  eythyr  mab  alldut  o  pennaet 
(a)  hunu  adele  (e)  ran  ocubel  (yndiannot)  ;  meybyon  ereu  graget 
(hynny)  e  telyr  guarthee  devach  onadunt  ac  e  sef  acaus  egeluyr 
e  guarthec  hene  en  guarthec  deuaeh  canyd  oes  kenedel  (e)  tat 
ae  talho  amen  kenedel  euam  ". 

It  is,  perhaps,  unfortunate  for  our  present  purpose, 
that  this  passage  contains  the  phrase  "  guarthec  devach  ", 
about  the  meaning  of  which  there  is  some  difficulty ;  so, 
in  order  to  avoid  entering  into  a  complicated  extraneous 
disCussion,  I  render  the  words  here  simply  as  cattle 
devach  ". 

With  that  proviso,  the  passage  reads  :  — 

If  a  Welshwoman  be  given  to  an  "  alltud  "  and  they  have 
sons,  her  children  are  entitled  to  "  treftad  "  (i.e.,  rights  in 
ancestral  land)  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  "  (mother-right),  but 
they  are  not  entitled  to  share  in  the  free  homestead  until  the 
third  generation,  save  the  son  of  an  "  alltud  "  of  chieftain 
rank,  who  is  entitled  to  a  share  in  everything  forthwith  ;  the 
sons  of  such  women  are  to  pay  cattle  "  devach  ",  and  the 
reason  such  cattle  are  called  "  devach  "  is  that  there  is  no  kin 
of  the  father  to  pay  them,  but  only  kin  of  the  mother. 

Here  again  we  get  the  juxtaposition  of  mother-kin  and 
father-kin,  and  we  have  it  clearly  explained  why  a  person 
is  entitled  to  claim  "  mamwys  ",  viz.,  because  of  a  wrong 
done  to  his  mother. 

(ii).  V.C.  Bk.  II,  c.  i,  §  61,  which  contains  a  fuller 
list  of  those  entitled  to  rights  through  "  mamwys  ". 

"  Teyr  graget  adele  eu  meybyon  vamuys  herwyd  keureyth  ; 
mab  Camraes  arodher  ealldut  a  mab  grueyc  a  gusteller  egluat 
aghefyet  okefyf  vecyckochy,  ay  gustellau  hyteu  oy  kenedel  ay 
argluyt  a  greyc  edecko  alldut  treys  (e)  arney  ". 

Three  women  whose  sons  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  " 
according  to  law  ;  the  son  of  a  Wolshwoman  who  has  been  given 


"  Mamwys".  237 

to  an  "  alltud  "  ;  the  son  of  a  woman  given  as  a  hostage  to  a 
foreign  "  patria  " ;  if  she  become  pregnant;  and  of  a  woman 
upon    whom    an    "  alltud  "   has  committed  violence. 

In  all  of  these  three  cases,  it  is  the  wrong  done  to  the 
woman  which  gives  her  son  a  claim  to  a  retributive  share 
from  his  mother's  kin,  that  is,  whatever  claim  he  has 
comes  through  his  mother. 

(iii).  This  provision  is  expanded  and  explained  more 
fully  in  V.C.  Bk.  II,  c.  xv,  §  1-4. 

"  Herwyd  gwyr  Gwyned  ny  dyly  gwreic  (caffel)  trew  tat, 
cany  dyly  deu  ureynt  o  (r)  un  llau  sew  yu  hynny  trewtat  y 
gur  ar  eydy  ehun  a  chany  dyly  hy  (theu)  trew  tat  ny  dylyir  y 
rody  hytheu  namyn  yn  (e)  lle  y  dylyho  y  meybyon  (hitheu 
haffael)  trew  tat;  (ac  o  rodir  y  meibion  a  dyly  cael  mamwys.) 
Rey  a  dyweyt  na  dyly  meybyon  un  wreic  trewtat  o  uamwys 
namyn  meybyon  un  wreic  sew  yn  honno  gwreyc  arodho  y  that 
ay  brodyr  (yn  gyfreithawl)  y  alldut.  Ereyll  a  dyweyt  ket 
rodho  y  chenedyl  hy  (hy  y  alltut)  onys  ryd  hynny  odynyon  na 
dyly  y  meybyon  (hythew)  trew  tat1  (E  keureyth  eissyoes 
a  dyweit  bot  teir  gwraged  a  dyly  eu  meibyon  treftat  o  uamues) 
yn  onadunt  yu  gwreyc  arodho  y  chenedyl  yn  gyureythyaul  y 
alldut ;  yr  eil  yw  gwreyc  adyco  alldut  treis  y  arney  yn  honneyt 
ac  or  dreys  honno  kael  mab  (o  honei  or  alltut)  y  gyureyth 
adyweyt  cany  (or  kan)  colles  hy  y  breynt  na  chyll  y  mab  hytheu 
y  dylyet  o  uamwys;  trydyt  yvi  gwreyc  arodho  y  chenedyl 
yguystyl  (oryaeth  y)  alldudet  ac  ynyr  vystlyryaeth  honno  kael 
mab  o  honey  o  alltud  (e  mab)  hunnw  a  dyly  trew  tat  o  uamwys. 
Nyt  oes  un  wreic  ynteu  a  ymrodho  ehun  y  alltud  adylyo  y 
meybyon  uamwys  ". 

According  to  the  men  of  Gwynedd  no  woman  is  to  have 
"  tref  tad  "  (ancestral  paternal  property),  because  there  should 
not  be  two  privileges  of  (or  from)  one  hand,  that  is,  her 
husband's  "  tref  tad  "  (paternal  ancestral  property)  and  her 
own  ;  and  since  she  ought  not  to  have  "  tref  tad  ",  she  should 
not  be  given  (i.e.,  in  marriage)  save  where  her  sons  may  obtain 
"  tref  tat  ",  and  should  she  be  given  (otherwise)  her  sons  are 
to  have  "  mamwys  ". 

There  are  some  who  say  that  no  sons  of  a  woman  should 
have  "  tref  tad  "  through  "  mamwys  "  (mother-right),  except 
the  sons  of  one  woman,  and  that  is  a  woman  whose  father  and 
brothers  have  given    her    (in    a    legal  manner)  to  an  alltud. 

1    The  "Llyfr  Teg"  MS.  reads  "vamwys",  vice  "  treftad". 


238  "  Mafnwys". 

There  are  others  who  say  that  should  she  be  given  to  an 
"  alltud  "  by  her  kin,  other  than  those  men,  her  sons  ought 
not  to  have  "  tref  tad  ". 

The  law,  however,  says  that  there  are  three  women  whose 
sons  should  have  "  treftad  "  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  "  ;  one  of 
them  is  a  woman  whose  kin  has  given  her,  in  a  legal  manner, 
to  an  "  alltud  "  ;  the  second  is  a  woman  who  has  been 
notoriously  violated  by  an  "  alltud  ",  and  through  that  viola- 
tion  she  has  had  a  son  by  the  "  alltud  ".  The  law  says  that 
because  she  has  not  lost  her  status  (i.e.,  as  a  freewoman)  her 
son  has  not  lost  that  which  is  due  to  him  by  virtue  of 
"  mamwys  ".  The  third  is  a  woman  whose  kin  has  given  her 
as  a  hostage  in  exile,  and  in  that  state  of  being  hostage,  has 
had  a  son  by  an  "  alltud  ",  that  son  ought  to  have  "  tref  tad  " 
by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  ". 

There  is  no  woman,  who  has  given  herself  to  an  "  alltud  ", 
whose  sons  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  ". 

This  last  proviso  is  of  value,  because  it  shows  clearly 
that  it  is  the  default  in  duty  of  the  woman's  kin  which 
makes  her  a  "  conduit  "  for  her  son  to  claim  a  share  in 
her  parental  estate. 

This  concludes  the  references  to  "  mamwys  "  in  the 
A7enedotian  Code,  with  the  exception  of  Bk.  11,  c.  xv,  §  7, 
which,  by  itself,  throws  no  particular  light  on  the  mean- 
ing  of  "  mamwys  ".     It  runs  : — 

"  No  native  of  Powys  is  entitled  to  '  mamwys  '  in 
Gwynedd,  nor  (one)  of  Gwynedd  in  Powys,  and  lihewise  in 
Deheubarth". 

The  Dimetian  Code  uses  the  word  ' '  mamwys  ' '  on  one 
occasion  only,  in  Bk.  III,  c  iii,  §  26,  which  runs  thus  :  — 

"  A  oes  un  lle  ydylyho  mab  bot  yn  arglwyd  ar  ytat  o 
gyureith?  Oes  ;  or  deruyd  y  vchehvr  rodi  y  verch  y  alltut  ehun, 
a  bot  plant  meibon  vdunt ;  a  gwedy  hynny  marw  yr  vchelwr, 
a  chaffel  o  veibon  yr  alltut  mamwys — o  tir  euhentat,  yrei  hynny 
avydant  arglwydi  areu  tat  ". 

Is  there  any  circumstance  whereby  a  son  is  entitled,  in  law, 
to  be  lord  over  his  father?  There  is.  Should  an  "  uchelwr  " 
give  his  daughter  to  his  own  "  alltud  ",  and  there  be  sons  to 
them,  and  thereafter  the  "  uchelwr  "  dies,  and  the  sons  of  the 
"  alltud  "  obtain  "  mamwys  "  out  of  the  land  of  their  grand- 
father,  they  become  lords  over  their  father. 


"  Mamwys".  239 

Here  we  have  a  clear  case  of  rights  acquired  through 
the  mother. 

But,  though  this  is  the  only  passage  in  the  Dimetian 
Code,  in  which  the  word  "  mamwys  "  is  used,  there  are 
two  passages  dealing  with  the  same  facts  as  those  quoted 
from  the  Venedotian  C'ode,  which  substitute  for  "  mam- 
wys  "  the  words  "  tref  y  vam  "  or  "  cenedl  eu  mam  ", 
which  shows  beyond  question  that  the  compilers  of  the 
Codal  survivals  identified  the  right  of  '  mamwys  "  with 
the  "  mam  "  and  not  with  the  "  mab  ". 

These  two  passages  are  : — 

(i).  D.C.  Bk.  II,  c.  viii,  §  21. 

"  (Teir  gwraged  a  dyly  eu  meibon  tref  eu  mam,)  gwreic 
arother  tros  y  that  yggwystyl  a  chaffel  mah  o  lionei  ynny 
gwystloryaeth,  a  gwreic  arother  orod  kenedyl  y  alldut,  a 
gwreic  a  lather  gwr  oe  ehenedyl  a  dial  oe  mab  (hitheu)  hwnnw 
ny  dylyir  y  oedi  am  tref  y  vam  ". 

Three  women  whose  sons  are  entitled  to  "  tref  eu  mam  " 
(their  mother's  tref  or  settlement) ;  a  woman  given  as  a  hostage 
for  her  father;  a  woman  given  by  gift  of  kin  to  an  "  alltud  "  ; 
and  a  woman  slain  by  a  man  of  her  kin  and  avenged  by  her 
son ;  he  ought  not  to  be  delayed  in  obtaining  "  tref  y  vam  ". 

The  last-mentioned  cause  in  this  quotation  is  very 
peculiar,  and  in  itself  raises  an  interesting  point  of  law, 
which,  however,  this  is  not  the  place  to  deal  with. 

(ii).  D.C.  Bk.  II,  c.  xxni,  §  36. 

"  Or  dyry  ryeeni  neu  genedyl  gwreic  tlawt  y  alltut  plant 
honno  or  alltut  a  gaffant  rann  otir  (y)  gan  genedyl  eu  mam  ac 
ny  cheif  vn  ohonunt  eistedua  arbennic  hyt  y  tryded  ach  ". 

Should  the  "  parentes  "  or  kin  give  a  poor  woman  to  an 
"  alltud  ",  her  children  by  the  "  alltud  "  are  to  receive  a  share 
of  land  from  the  mother's  kin  ;  but  none  of  them  is  to  have  a 
chief  homestead  until  the  third  generation. 

The  section  then  proceeds  to  deal  with  the  question  of 
"  gwarthec  devach  ". 

In  the  Gwentian  Code  (Bk.  II,  c.  xxix,  §  36)  this  pro- 
vision  is  reproduced  in  the  following  terms  : — 


240  "  Mamwys' \ 

"  O  roddir  Kymraes  y  alltut,  y  phlant  a  geiff  ran  o  tref 
y  that  eithyr  (yr)  eissydyn  arhenhic ;  hwnnw  hagen  nys  caffant 
hyt  y  trydeach  ". 

Should  a  Welshwoman  be  given  to  an  "  alltud  ",  her  sons 
are  to  get  a  share  of  the  "  tref  "  of  her  father,  other  than  the 
chief  homestead ;  that,  however,  they  do  not  get  until  the 
third  generation. 

In  the  only  other  passage  in  the  Gwentian  Code  (Bk. 
II,  c.  xxxix,  §  1),  touching  on  "  mamwys  "  we  get,  as  in 
the  Dimetian  Code,  an  identification  of  "  mamwys  "  with 
"  tref  y  vam  "  : — - 

"  Teir  gwraged  ny  dylyir  dadleu  ac  eu  hetiued  am  tref  eu 
mam,  y  wreic  arodher  yg  gwystyl  dros  tir  a  chaffel  mab  o  honno 
tra  uo  yg  gwystloryaeth,  ar  wreic  arodher  o  rod  henedyl  y 
alltut,  a  mab  gwreic  a  dialho  gwr  o  genedyl  y  uam  a  cholli  tref 
y  dat  o  achos  y  gyflauan  honno  ny  dylyir  dadleu  ac  ef  am 
tref  y  uam  ' ' . 

Three  women  whose  lineal  heirs'  claim  for  "  tref  eu  mam  " 
should  not  be  contested ;  the  woman  who  is  given  as  a  hostage 
for  land,  and  has  a  son  while  a  hostage ;  and  the  woman  who  is 
given  by  gift  of  kin  to  an  "  alltud  ",  and  the  son  of  a  woman 
who  has  avenged  a  man  of  his  mother's  kin,  and  loses  his 
father's  "  tref  "  on  account  of  that  outrage ;  there  should  be 
no  contest  with  him  regarding  his  mother's  "  tref  ". 

Cf.  with  this  Bk.  ix,  c.  xxx,  p.  1,  infra,  where  "  o  parth  ev 
mam  "  takes  the  place  of  "  tref  eu  mam  ". 

The  references  to  the  same  right  in  the  maternal 
father's  estate  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  '  in  the  Anon. 
Laws  are  as  follows  : — 

(i).  Bk.  IV,  c.  i,  §  32. 

"  Oderuyt  roy  Kamraes  y  alldut  mab  honno  a  dele  ran 
(braut)  o  tref  (y)  tat  ". 

Should  a  Welshwoman  be  given  to  an  "  alltud  ",  her  son 
should  receive  a  brother's  share  (i.e.,  a  share  equal  to  the  share 
of  the  mother's  brother)  of  the  "  tref  "  of  her  father. 

(ii).  Bk.  V,  c.  ii,  §§  123,  124. 

"  O  deruyd  dyuot  alltut  a  gwrhau  yr  brenhin.  .  .  .  y 
gorwyr.  .  .  .  a  vyd  priodawr.  .  .  .  O  deruyd  y  gorwyr  hwnnw 
gwedy  hynny  rodi  y  verch  y  alltut,  mab  y  verch  honno  a  dyly 
mamwys  gyt  a  phlant  y  gorwyr  hwnnw  .  .  .  ". 


"  Mantwys".  241 

Should  an  "alltud  "  come  and  do  hornage  to  the  king,  his 
great-grandson  will  be  a  "  priodawr  "  (i.e.,  having,  in  regard 

to   land,  the  same  status  as  a   free-man) Should  that 

great-grandson  thereafter  give  his  daughter  to  an  "  alltud  ", 
the  son  of  that  "  alltud  "  is  entitled  to  "  mamwys  "  along  with 
the  children  of  that  great-grandson. 

(iii).  Bk.  X,  c.  vii,  §  20. 

"  Teir  gwraged  a  dyly  eu  meibon  tir  o  vamwys;  gwreic 
vonhedic  a  rodher  orod  henedyl  y  alltut,  a  bot  meibon  idi  o 
honaw  ac  ef  yn  alltut,  y  rei  hynny  a  dyly  rann  o  tir  gyt  (a) 
brodyr  eu  mam,  eithyr  hyt  y  bei  breint  .  .  .  ymdanaw,  o 
hwnnw.  .  .  .  ny  dylyant  dim  o  rann  ympen  y  petwargwr,  gan 
vot  neb  o  bleit  tadwys  ae  dylyo.  .  .  .  eil  yw  bei  damweinhei  vot 
morwyn  ar  vreint  (y  that  ae)  brodyr  ae  chenedyl  ae  threissaw 
o  alltut,  os  mab  a  uei  idi.  .  .  .  hwnnw  a  dyly  rann  o  tir  gyt  a 
brodyr  y  vam ;  trydydd  yw  bei  damweinei  rodi  gwreic  vonhedic 
ygwystyl  y  alltuded  ac  yno  .  .  .  a  bot  mab  idi,  hynnw  a  dyly 
rann  o  tir  y  gyt  ae  brodyr  hi ;  a  llyna  y  lle  y  dyly  plant  y 
wreic  hyntaf  (ran),  kanys  y  brodyr  hi  a  alltudawd  y  phlant  pan 
y  rodyssant  hi  y  alltut,  ac  wrth  hynny  herwyd  na  dylyynt  rodi 
y  chwaer  namyn  yr  lle  y  caffei  y  phlant  hitheu  tir,  y  dyly  y 
phlant  hitheu  tir  o  vamwys ;  a  llyna  yr  achos  y  dyly  plant  yr 
eil  wreic  vamwys,  kanys  (hyd  tra)  vei  hi  ar  vreint  y  brodyr 
ae  chenedyl,  hwynt  a  dylyant  y  chadw  hitheu  rac  pob  cam,  ac 
wrth  gaffel  o  honei  hi  y  cam  hwnnw  ar  j  hardelw  hwy,  y  dyly 
y  meibon  hitheu  ramwys  ;  a  llyma  yr  achos  y  dyly  plant  y  tryded 
wreic  vamwys,  canys  a  hi  ar  eu  gwystloryaeth  hwy  y  cauas  hi  y 
damwein  hwnnw,  wrth  hynny  y  dyly  y  phlant  hitheu  vamwys  ". 

Three  women  whose  sons  are  entitled  to  land  by  virtue  of 
"  mamwys  "  ;  a  free-born  woman  given  by  gift  of  kin  to  an 
"  alltud  ",  to  whom  there  he  sons  by  him  and  he  an  "  alltud  ", 
they  are  entitled  to  a  share  of  land  along  with  their  mother's 
brothers,  escept  where  there  be  a  special  status  attached 
thereto,  in  which  case  they  are  not  entitled  to  any  share  until 
the  fourth  generation,  so  long  as  there  is  anyone  of  "  plaid 
tadwys  "  (i.e,  of  a  group  entitled  to  inheritance  from  a  father, 
i.e.,  the  agnatic  group)  who  is  entitled  to  it.  .  .  .  The  second 
is,  should  it  happen  that  there  be  a  maid  on  the  privilege  of 
her  father  and  her  brothers  and  her  kin,  and  she  be  violated 
by  an  "  alltud  ",  and  should  there  be  a  son  to  her,  he  is 
entitled  to  a  share  of  land  along  with  his  mother's  brothers. 
The  third  is,  should  it  happen  that  a  freeborn  woman  be  given 
as  a  hostage  in  exile  and  there  .  .  .  there  should  be  a  son  to 
her,  he  is  entitled  to  a  share  of  land  along  with  her  brothers. 
And  behold,  why  the  children  of  the  first  woman  are  entitled 
to    a    share,    because    her    brothers    made    "  alltuds  "    of    her 


242  "  Mamwys  ". 

children,  when  they  gave  her  to  an  "  alltnd  ",  and  hence, 
because  they  ought  not  to  have  given  their  sister  except  where 
her  children  would  have  had  land,  her  children  are  entitled 
to  land  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  ".  And  behold  the  cause  the 
children  of  the  second  woman  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  ", 
because,  so  long  as  she  was  on  the  privilege  of  her  brothers 
and  her  kin,  they  were  bound  to  keep  her  from  all  ill,  and 
hecause  she  suffered  that  ill  while  under  their  protection,  her 
sons  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  ".  And  behold  the  reason  why 
the  children  of  the  third  woman  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  ", 
because  she  endured  that  happening  while  she  was  a  hostage 
for  them,  therefore  are  her  children  entitled  to  "  niamwys  ". 

Anything  more  explicit  than  this  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive ;  and  here  we  once  more  get  it  clearly  ttated  thai 
the  right  of  children  to  ' '  mamwys  ' '  springs  f rom  wrong 
done  to  their  mother.  It  is  not  a  right  inherent  in  them- 
selves. 

(iv).  Book  XIV. 

Excluding  for  the  present  references  to  the  mode  of 
enforcing  the  right  of  "  mamwys  ",  the  references  to 
"  mamwys  "  in  the  XIVth  Book  are  brief,  but  they  are 
significant. 

Book  XIV,  c.  iii,  §  15,  says  : — 

"  Tri  meib  ni  cheiff  y  tyddyn  breinyawl  .  .  .  mab  gwreic 
a  gaffo  tir  o  famwys  ". 

Three  sons  who  do  not  get  the  free  homestead  .  .  .  the 
son  of  a  woman  who  gets  land  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  ". 

c.  xvii,  §  2,  reads  : — 

"  Tri  char  o  ìmrth  mam  a  ran  tir  ac  eu  car  .  .  chefynderw 
.   .   .  lle  caffo  dir  o  famwys  ". 

Three  relatives  on  the  mother's  side  who  share  land  with 
their  relations  .  .  .  a  nephew  .  .  .  where  he  has  got  land  by 
virtue  of  "  mamwys  ". 

c.  xvii,  §  4,  reads  : — 

"  Tri  mal)  a  ddjly  tir  nys  <l\  lyei  y  dat  cyn  noc  ef  .  .  .  mab 
a  gaffo  mamwys  ". 

Three  sons  who  are  entitled  to  land  which  their  father 
before  was  not  entitled  to  .   .   .   a  son  who  gets  "  niamwys  ". 


"  Mamwys".  243 

c.  xxxi,  §  1,  reads  : — 

"  Mab  a  gaffo  tir  o  famwys  ny  ddyly  cf  yr  essyddyn 
pennaf ". 

A  son  .  .  .  who  gets  land  by  virtue  of  "  maniwys  "  is  not 
entitled  to  the  principal  homestead. 

In  these  four  extraets,  "  mamwys  "  must  be  rendered 
"  niother-right  ". 

The  XIIIth  Book,  as  is  well  known,  is  no  authority 
in  itself  on  matters  of  ancient  Welsh  law.  It  does,  how- 
ever,  occasionally  reproduce  points  of  law  found  in  the 
more  ancient  sources,  and  it  is  often  of  value  in  clearing 
up  obscurities  of  language.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to 
consider  the  references  therein  to  "  mamwys  ".  These 
references  are  in  complete  agreement  with  the  ancient 
sources,  except  that,  sometimes,  the  word  "  aillt  "  is  used 
as  synonymous  with,  and  substituted  for,  "  alltud  ",  a 
matter  of  no  importance  to  the  present  point.  The  refer- 
ences  are  :  — 

(i).  c.  ii,  §  115. 

"  Tri  rhyw  wr  y  sydd  .  .  .  mab  aillt  mamwysawl,  sev  a  vo 
ei  vam  yn  Gymraes  .  .  .  ac  eillion  yn  mraint  mamwys  a'u 
gelwir  y  c.wryw  .  .  .  ac  y  saiv  braint  brodwr  .  .  .  ar  aillt 
o  vamwys  cynnwynawl  ". 

There  are  three  classes  of  men  .  .  an  "  aillt  "  liaving 
mothcr-right,  that  is  one  whose  mother  was  a  AYel^hwoman  .  . 
and  such  are  called  "  aillts  "  with  the  privilege  of  "  mamwys  " 
.  .  .  and  the  status  of  a  native  rests  .  .  .  on  an  "  aillt  "  by 
virtue   of   native   mother-descent. 

(11).  c.  ìi.  §  116. 

"  Tair  gwraig  y  dylai  eu  meibion  ramicys  herwydd 
c.wraith  ;  mab  gwraig  a  rother  i  alltud  o  vodd  ei  chenedl ;  mab 
gwraig  a  wystler  yn  ngwlad  angh.wiaith,  o  beichioger  hi  yno. 
gan  ei  gwystlaw  o'i  chenedyl  a'i  harglwydd  ;  a  gwraig  y  dyco 
alltud  drais  erni  ;  se  y  dylit  i  veibion  y  gwragedd  hyny  drev 
eu  mamaii  ac  nis  dylit  ei  oedi  .  .  .  drev  ei  ram  i  un  o'r 
meibion  hyny  ". 

Three  women  whose  sons  are  entitled  to  "  mamwys  " 
according  to  law  ;  the  sou  of  a  woman  given  to  an  "  alltud  " 


244  "  Mamwys". 

with  consent  of  her  kin ;  the  son  of  a  woman  given  as  hostage 
in  an  alien  land,  should  she  become  pregnant  there,  because 
she  was  made  a  hostage  by  her  kin  and  her  lord ;  and  a 
woman  upon  whom  an  "  alltud  "  commits  violence ;  that  is, 
the  "  tref  "  of  their  mother  is  due  to  the  sons  of  these  women, 
and  the  "  tref  "  of  his  mother  should  not  be  withheld  from 
any  one  of  these  sons. 

(Üi).    C.  Ü,   §   131. 

Tri  chyfredin  cenedl  .  .  .  mab  gwraig  a  rother  o  vodd 
cenedl  i  estron,  sev  y  cafant  .  .  .  eu  trwydded  o  ereidr  y 
genedl   .   .   .  a'r  mab  yn  mraint  mamwys  ". 

Three  common  to  a  kin  .  .  .  the  son  of  a  woman  given 
with  consent  of  kin  to  a  stranger  .  .  .  that  is,  they  get  their 
fare  from  the  ploughs  of  the  kin  .  .  .  to  the  son  under  the 
privilege  of  "  mamwys  ". 

(iv).  c.  ii,  §  142. 

"  Tri  rhydd  cenedl  a'i  heillion  yn  mraint  mamwys  ". 
Three   things   free   to   a    kin    and   their    "  aillts  "   on   the 
privilege  of  "  mamwys  ". 

(v).  c.  ii,  §  215. 

"  I   vab   aillt   yn    mraint    mamwys  y   bydd    cyviawn   nawdd 
pencenedl  ". 

To  an  "  aillt  "  on  the  privilege  of  "  mamwys  "  there  is 
the  just  protection  of  the  chief   of  kin. 

(vi).  c.  ii,  §  224. 

"  Bedrorion  alltudion  yn  mraint  mamwys  ". 
"  Alltuds  "    in    the     fourth    degree    with  the  status   of 
"  mamwys  ". 

(vii).  c.  ii,  §  229. 

"  Veibion  eillion  cyn   braint  o  vamwys  ". 

"  Aillts  "  before  (obtaining)  status  through  "  mamwys  ". 

The  Leges  Wallice,  being  in  Latin,  do  not  use  the 
word  "mamwys",  but  where  the  institution  is  referred 
to  they  render  it  as  "  ex  parte  matris  ' ' . 

(i).  L.W.  Lib.  II,  c.  xi,  §  29. 

Nemo  debet  habcre  principalem  sedem  ex  parte  matris 
.   .   .  nec  dignitatem   aliquam   .   .   .   si   sit   ex   parte   patris  qui 


"  Mamwys".  245 

debeat  habere,  licet  aliqua  pars  terre  ei  concedatur  ex  parte 
matris;  sed  tameu  dignius  est  quod  aliquis  ex  parte  matris 
liabet  ea  quam  aliquis  alienus. 

§  31.  Sciendum  est  quod  si  femina  quedam  prebeat  sese 
uiro  absque  licencia  gentis  sue,  non  oportet  quod  proles  eius 
habet  partem  hereditatis  cum  gente  materna,  nisi  eorum 
gratia.  .  .  . 

§  32.  Si  mulier  indigena  detur  exuli,  filii  eius  partem 
hereditatis  habebunt,  preter  sedem  principalem  .   .    .   .   , 

and  then  follows  the  same  provision  as  in  the  Welsh  texts 
regarding  "  gwarthec  dyuach  ". 

(ii).  In  the  B.M.  Vespasian  E.XI.  MS.  we  have  the 
following  provisions  (Lib.  II,  c.  xxiii,  §§  38,  39)  : — 

"  Si  qua  mulier  absque  parentele  sue  consilio  se  copulav- 
erit,  et  ex  eo  prolem  deduxerit,  proles  illa  cum  gente  materna, 
nisi  eorum  gratia,  partem  hereditatis  non  capiat.  Si  mulierem 
indigenam  cuidam  alltut  (exuli)  parentes  sui  conjugem 
dederint,  fìlii  ex  eis  procreati  cum  gente  materna  partem 
capient  hereditatis ;  nullus  tamen  eorum  sedem  habebit 
principalem  "  ; 

and  §  50  : — 

"  Tres  sunt  femine  que  hereditatem  matrum  possunt 
habere ;  prima  est  illa  que  in  pignore  sit  pro  terra,  et  filium 
habeat  dum  sit  pignus ;  ille  filius  debet  habere  hereditatem 
matris  sue ;  secunda  est  illa  que  data  sit  a  genere  homini 
hereditatem  non  habenti,  filius  talis  debet  habere  hereditatem 
sue  matris ;  tercia  est  illa  cujus  filius  amittet  hereditatem 
suam,  scilicet  ex  parte  patris,  pro  ultione  cognati  sue  matris  ". 

The    identification    in    the    earliest    Latin    texts    of 
raamwys  '    with  mother-right    (ex  parte  matris)  is  so 
explicit   that   it   is  difficult   to   understand   how   anyone 
could  be  led  to  imagine  that  ' '  mamwys  "  =  "  mabwys  ' 
=  ' '  adoption  ' ' . 

The  references  to  the  suit  of  "  mamwys,"  that  is  the 
method  of  enforcing  the  rights  of  '  mamwys  ",  cor- 
roborate  the  other  authorities.  It  is  not  mentioned,  as  a 
suit,  in  the  Codes  ;  but  we  find  it  mentioned,  without 
further  explanation  of  its  character,  in  Anon.  Laws,  Bk. 
VII,  c.  i,  §  9,  Bk.  IX,  c.  xxv,  §  4,  and  Bk.  XIII,  c.  ii, 


246  "  Mamwys". 

§   211,  and,  in  addition,  we  have  three  fairly  detailed 
accounts  of  procedure. 

(i).  Bk.  VII,  c.  i,  §  24,  25. 

"  Oderuyd  y  den  holy  tyr  a  dayar  o  uamwys  deuet  ar  e  tyr 
(ar  dayar)  en  amser  y  bo  agoret  kyfreyth,  a  dywedyt  y  uot 
(ef)  en  uab  y  alltut  o  kymraes  dyledauc ;  a  dywedet  ry  rodi 
y  uam  ef  oy  chenedyl  en  kyureythaul  yu  tat  ef,  ac  alltudau 
enteu  .  .  .  'ac  urth  henne  e  dodaf  uy  ar  e  hyfreyth  can 
alltudassant  huy  uyuy,  deleu  o  hanaf  uynheu  deuot  en  tref 
tadauc  attadunt  lmynteu  ". 

The  pleadings  are  then  detailed,  and  the  possible  de- 
fences  indicated,  including  the  following  : — 

"  O  deruyd  e  den  holy  tyr  a  dayar  o  uamwys  a  dyweduyt 
ry  rody  e  uam  ef  en  keureythyaul  yu  tat  ef  a  bot  y  tat  enteu 
en  alltut  ac  enteu  en  mennu  tref  tat  .  .  .  ac  yna  ateb  or 
amdyffynnur  .  .  .  'Ef  a  holes  mamwys  eysyoes  ene  lle  ar  lle 
ac  enteu  ay  cauas  hy'  .  .  .  Onys  guata  .  .  .  dyuarner  en 
tragywydaul  o  uamwys  " . 

Should  a  person  claim  land  and  soil  by  virtue  of 
"  mamwys  ",  let  him  come  on  the  land  and  soil  at  a  time 
when  law  is  open,  and  let  him  say  that  he  Ls  the  son  of  an 
"  alltud  "  by  a  free-born  Welsh  woman,  and  let  him  say  that 
his  mother  was  given,  in  a  legal  manner,  to  his  father,  and 
he  himself  was  made  an  "  alltud  "  .  .  .  and  because  of  that, 
I  place  myself  upon  the  law,  since  they  have  made  me  an 
"  alltud  ",  I  am  entitled  to  come  upon  their  "  tref  tadauc  " 
among  them. 

Should  a  person  claim  land  and  soil  by  virtue  of 
"  mamwys  ",  and  say  that  his  mother  was  given,  in  a  legal 
manner,  to  his  father,  and  that  his  father  was  an  "  alltud  ", 
and  he  claim  "  tref  tat  "...  and  thereupon  the  defendant 
should  answer  .  .  .  "  He  has  claimed  '  mamwys  '  already  in 
such  and  such  a  place,  and  has  obtained  it'  .  .  .  If  he  do 
not  deny  (this  defence),  let  judgment  be  given  excluding  him 
for  ever  from  "  mamwys  ". 

Here  we  have  it  clearly  pointed  out  again  fchat  the 
right  to  "  mamwys  "  depends  upon  the  marriage  of  the 
claimant's  mother  to  an  "  alltud  ". 

(ii).  Bk.  IX,  c.  xxx,  §§  1-15. 

Val  hyn  y  dyleyr  lioli  mamwys. 

§   1.  Tair   merchet   nydyleir  datley    ay  etyveth   am   tir   0 


"  Mamwys".  247 

parth  ev  mam  ;  (mab)  gwraic  vonedyc  a  rodo  henedyl  y  alltut ; 
a  mab  gwraic  a  roder  y  gwjstyl  dros  genedl  a  ehael  o  honay 
yn  y  gwstyl  mab  ;  a  mab  a  dyalo  gwr  o  genedyl  y  vam  a  cholli 
tref  y  tat  o  achosygyfflavan  hono. 

§  2.  O  myn  mab  gwrayc  a  rather  y  alltut  holy  mamws 
val   hyn   y   dyly  .   .   .   erchy  .   .   .  yewn.   .  .   . 

§  3.  Yna  y  dyly  y  arglwyd  dyvynv  y  genedl  y  attep  ydaw, 
nyt  amgen  brodyr  y  vam  .  .  .  kanys  y  ray  hyny  adyly  vot 
yn  rodyayt  arnay  panys  ar  y  tir  wynt  y  daw  mab  ev  kares 
os  rodant  y  alltvt.  Kanys  .  .  .  ny  ayll  vn  dyn  ellwng  neb  y 
vamwys  na  trefftatv  neb  .   .   .  heb  dvhvtep   (ynteu).   .   .   . 

§  5.  (After  binding  of  parties.).  Dyly  yr  howlor  menegy 
y  vot  ef  yn  vab  y  alltut  o  Gymraes  vonhedic  .  .  .  a  henwet 
y  gwr  ay  genedl  rody  y  vam  (ef)  y  alltvt  .  .  .  ay  alldvdo 
ynteu  o  tref  y  tat  .  .  .  'ac  ar  y  gyffraith  y  dodaf  kan 
alldvdasscch  chwy  vy  vi  o  tref  tat  y  dylyaf  vynev  tir  o  parth 
vy  mam. 

§  6.  ...  O  fyna  y  braw  ynteu  ran  a  gaiff  or  (tir)  gymyn 
ac  vn  o  vrodyr  y  vam.   .   .   . 

§  8.  Os  yramdiffynor  a  dywait  tref  tat  ysyd  y  ty  yn 
y  lle  ar  lle  .  .  .  ar  y  hyfreith  y  dodaf  no  dyly  tref  tadawc 
ctt  111  iri/s. 

§  13.  O  myn  mab  gwraic  a  wystyler  holy  mamtoys  val 
hyn  y  dyly  val  y  dywetbwyt  uchot.  .  .  .  Yna  y  dyly  y  man 
menegy  pwy  y  gwr  hwnw  ay  genedl  .  .  .  y  vam  ef  y  gwystyl 
drostvnt  hwy  yn  anyledus,  ac  yn  yrarwystyleyrieth  hono  dwyn 
trais  o  alltvt  arnay  ay  gael  ef  or  drais  hono  .  .  .  'ac  ar  y 
kyfreith  y  dodaf  kan  rodassach  chwi  vy  mam  y  drossoch  yn 
lle  ny  alloch  ychadw  rac  trais  y  dylyaf  vyneu  ran  o  tir  y 
genwch  chwi. 

§    15 Offyna  ybraw  ran  a  gayff. 

In  this  manner  "  mamwys  "   is   to  be  claimed  : 

§  1.  Three  girls  with  whose  issue  there  ought  not  to  be 
any  contest  regarding  land  (claimed)  through  their  mother ; 
the  son  of  a  freewoman,  given  by  her  kin  to  an  "  alltud  "  ; 
and  the  son  of  a  woman  given  as  hostage  on  behalf  of  a  kin, 
a  son  being  had  of  her  while  a  hostage ;  and  a  son  who  avenges 
a  man  of  his  mother's  kin  and  loses  (his  own)  "  tref  tad  " 
because  of  that  outrage. 

§  2.  Should  the  son  of  a  woman  given  to  an  "  alltud  " 
demand  "  mamwys  ",  thus  should  he  do  .  .  .  demand  .  .  . 
right.   .    .   . 

§  3.  Then  the  lord  should  summon  the  kin  to  answer  him, 
that  is,  his  mother's  brothers  .  .  .  since  they  should  have 
been  the  givers  away  of  her,  and  since  it  is  upon  their  land 
the  son  of  their  kinswoman  will  come,  if  they  have  given  her 


248  "  Mamwys" '. 

to  an  "  alltud  "...  for  no  one  can  admit  a  person  to 
"  mamwys  ",  nor  give  anyone  "  tref  tat  "...  without 
their  consent. 

§  5.  (After  binding  of  parties.)  The  plaintiff  ought  to 
declare  that  he  is  the  son  of  an  "alltud  "  by  a  free-born 
Welshwoman  .  .  .  and  name  the  man  and  kin  who  gave  his 
motlier  to  an  "  alltud  "...  and  made  him  an  "  alltud  " 
from  "  tref  tad  "  (i.e.,  deprived  him  of  the  chance  of  a 
paternal  inheritance).  ...  "  and  I  place  myself  upon  the 
law,  since  you  have  made  an  '  alltud  '  of  me  from  '  tref  tad  ', 
I  am  entitled  to  obtain  land  through  my  mother". 

§  6.  Should  he  have  proof,  he  shall  have  a  share  of  the 
land  equal  to  that  of  one  of  his  mother's  brothens. 

§  8.  Should  the  defendant  say,  "  You  have  had  '  tref 
tat  '  (i.e.,  a  paternal  inheritance)  in  such  and  such  a  place 
.  .  .  and  I  place  myself  upon  the  law  that  one  with  'tref  tad  ' 
is  not  entitled  to  '  mamwys  '  ". 

§  13.  If  the  son  of  a  woman  given  as  a  hostage  demand 
"  mamwys  "  he  ought  to  do  as  has  been  stated  above.  .  .  . 
Thereupon  the  son  ought  to  declare  who  that  man  and  kin 
is  .  .  .  who  gave  her  unlawfully  as  a  hostage  on  their  behalf, 
and  while  a  hostage  that  she  suffered  violation  from  an 
"  alltud  ",  and  through  that  violation  she  had  a  son  ..."  and 
I  place  myself  upon  the  law,  since  you  gave  my  mother  on  your 
behalf  in  a  place  where  you  could  not  guard  her  from 
violation,  I  am  entitled  to  obtain  a  share  of  land  from  you  ". 

§   15.   .   .  Should  he  prove  it,  he  is  entitled  to  a  share.   .   . 

I  would  draw  attention  to  the  double  identifieation  in 
these  passages  of  ' '  mamwys  ' '  with  ' '  o  parth  vy  mam  ' ' 
—  "  ex  parte  matris  ' ' . 

(iii).  Bk.  XIV,  c.  xlvi,  §  1  et  seq. 

Am   Vamwys. 

§  1.  O  derfydd  y  ddyn  holi  tir  o  famwys,  a  dywedut 
dwyn  ar  y  fam  dreis  o  alltut,  a  hi  yn  gwystyl  dros  un  oe 
chenedyl,  a  holi  y  tir  o  famwys  or  ffordd  honno.  .  .  .  (the 
law  provides  that  proof  of  violence  must  be  by  compurgation). 

§  5.  .  .  .  Nyt  rheit  atferwyr  y  dyngu  hanfot  dyn  o 
famwys  canys  ehun  ae  praw. 

§  6.  .  .  .  Eill  neb  wadu  y  gilydd  or  a  ddylo  tref  tat  neu 
famwys  gyt  ac  ef.  .  .  . 

§  8.  O  derfydd  y  ddyn  holi  tir  o  famioys  a  dywedut  o 
honaw  ladd  o  honaw  gelain  yn  dial  gwr  o  genedyl  y  fam,  a 
mynet  y  dir  ynteu  yn  waetir.  .  .  "  Can  dieleis  i  gar  fy  mam 
y  dylaf  inneu  ddyfot  attoch  yn  dref  tadawc  am  hynny  ". 


"  Mamwys' '.  249 

§  11.  Mal  hynn  y  may  am  famwys,  y  holi  yn  gyfreithyawl 
.  .  .  ar  arglwydd  a  ddyly  dyfynnu  .  .  .  brodyr  y  fam  .  .  . 
a  hwnnw  addyly  gwneuthur  cyfreith'. 

Concerning  "  Mamwys  ". 

§  1.  Should  a  person  seek  land  by  virtue  of  "  mamwys  ", 
and  say  that  his  mother  suffered  yiolation  by  an  "  alltud  ", 
while  she  was  a  hostage  on  behalf  of  her  kin,  and  he  seek 
his  land  by  yirtue  of  "  mamwys  "  in  that  method  .  .  .  (the 
law  provides  that  proof  of  violation  must  be  by  compurga- 
tion). 

§  5.  There  is  no  need  for  "  finders  "  (that  is,  a  kind  of 
preliminary  jury)  to  swear  that  a  man  comes  into  existence 
from  •"  mamwys  "  (here  the  word  means  simply  mother- 
origin),  for  he  himself  proves  it  (i.e.,  the  very  fact  that  he 
exists  shows  he  had  a  mother ;  a  very  strihing  side-light  on 
the  connotation  of  "  mamwys  "). 

§  6.  .  .  .  No  one  can  deny  another  who  is  entitled  to 
"  tref  tat  "  or  "  mamwys  "  with  him.  (The  quotation  shows 
again  the  juxtaposition  of  "  tref  tat  "  and   "  mamwys  ".) 

§  8.  Should  a  person  claim  land  by  virtue  of  "mamwys  ", 
and  say  that  he  slew  and  made  a  corpse  in  revenge  for  a 
man  of  his  mother's  kin,  and  his  own  land  has  gone  as 
"  waed-tir "  (i.e.,  as  blood-land,  land  given  in  payment  of 
"  galanas  "  or  "  wergild  ")  .  .  .  "  since  I  avenged  my 
mother's  relation,  I  am  entitled  to  come  to  you  for  '  treftad  ' 
(ancestral  inheritance),   therefor  ...    ". 

§  11.  Thus  it  is  in  regard  to  "  mamwys  ",  to  claim  law- 
fully  .  .  .  and  the  lord  ought  to  summon  .  .  .  his  mother's 
brothcrs  .  .   .  and   such  ought  to  do  law  .  .  .  ". 

The  only  other  reference  to  "  mamwys  "  I  have  been 
able  to  trace  in  the  Laws  is  in  Bk.  IX,  c.  xxxvi,  §  8  : — 

1 '  Dav  lle  y  dychon  alltut  ymryddhav  drwy  rannv  .... 
ae  arglwyd  .   .   .  pan  el  yw  vamwys  ". 

There  are  two  circumstances  wherein  an  "  alltud  "  may 
free  himself,  by  sharing  .  .  .  with  his  lord  .  .  .  when  he 
acquires  "  mamwys  ". 

This  passage,  in  itself,  throws  no  additional  light  on 
the  matter. 

I  have  given  in  full  the  references  there  are  in  the 
Laws  to  "  mamwys  "  ;  and  it  seems  clear  and  beyond 
question  that,  throughout,  the  significance  of  the  word 
lies  in  its  root  "  mam  ".     If  the  root  "  mab  "  be  substi- 

s 


250  "Maniwys". 

tuted  for  ' '  mam  ' ' ,  then  not  a  single  quotation  has  the 
slightest  meaning  or  legal  relevancy  attachable  to  it. 

The  philological  derivation  of  "  mamwys  "  is,  in  itself, 
of  no  importance  whatsoever ;  that  which  is  of  import- 
ance  is  to  understand  the  very  interesting  institution  of 
'  mamwys  "  in  ancient  Welsh  society.  That  understand- 
ing  can  come  not  from  a  pre-conceived  assumption  as  to 
its  verbal  derivation,  but  from  a  study  of  what  the  texts 
assert  it  was.  Once  that  is  understood  its  derivation, 
which  is  a  secondary  matter  altogether,  becomes  apparent. 
I  venture  to  reassert  that  the  explanation  of  that  insti- 
tution,  as  given  in  "  Welsh  Tribal  Law  ",  is  fully  borne 
out  by  the  texts,  011  which,  indeed,  it  was  entirely  based. 
At  any  rate,  that  explanation  was  not  due  to  any  misin- 
terpretation  of  the  philological  derivation  of  "  mamwys  ". 
That  word,  as  used  in  the  Laws,  is  unquestionably  a 
derivative  from  '  mam  ".  Every  commentator  of  old, 
whether  writing  in  Welsh  or  Latin,  held  that  view,  and 
they  were  cognizant  of  the  working  and  the  meaning  of 
the  institution  which  they  were  describing.  The  sugges- 
tion,  or  rather  vehement  assertion,  that  it  is  a  derivative 
of  "  mab  "  is  without  any  warrant  in  the  Codal  texts. 


tU  "  (MaBtnogíôn ' V 

A    EEVIEW    AND    A    CRITICISM. 
By  Professor  J.  LLOYD-JONES,  M.A.,  Dublin. 


These  two  volumes  have  been  beautifully  produced, 
like  all  works  printed  at  the  University  Press,  Oxford,  and 
there  is,  both  in  the  rendered  text  and  the  notes,  much 
that  is  commendable.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  how- 
ever  that  the  excellence  of  the  printers'  work  and  the 
enormous  labour  of  the  translators  should  have  been 
marred  by  so  many  inaccuracies  in  the  translation.  The 
translators  admit  in  their  preface  that  there  have  been 
and  are  Welsh  scholars  far  better  equipped  than  they  are 
to  undertake  the  work,  but  that  in  the  absence  of  any 
sign  of  the  task  being  undertalcen  by  any  of  them,  a 
steadily  growing  desire,in  scholastic  and  scholarly  circles, 
for  a  version  more  accurate  in  details  than  Lady  Guest's 
work  of  ninety  years  ago,  has  induced  them  to  attempt  to 
supply  this  need.  In  defence  of  Welsh  scholars  it  may 
be  stated  that  they  have  been  conscious  of  the  difficulties 
of  the  task,  have  been  aware  that  so  many  points  of 
language  remain  to  be  elucidated,  that  any  translation 
claiming  to  be  at  all  accurate  was  out  of  the  question. 

This  new  translation  was  not  intended  for  dilettanti — 
the  old  translation  was  good  enough  for  such — but  for 
scholars,  and  for  this  reason  it  should  be  as  accurate  as  it 
was    humanly    possible    so    to   make    it,   and    as    faithful 

1  The  Mabinoyion.  A  new  translation  by  T.  P.  Ellis,  M.A  ,  and 
John  Lloyd,  M.A.  Two  volumes.  Oxford,  at  the  Clarendon  Press, 
19:29. 

S   2 


252  The  "  Mabinogion" '. 

to  tlie  original  as  the  genius  of  the  English  language 
permitted.  It  ought  to  be  at  least  a  trustworthy  repre- 
sentation  of  the  present  state  of  our  knowleclge  of  the 
meaning  of  the  language  of  the  ancient  texts. 

Sotne  readers  ìnay  possibly  think  that  many  of  the 
errors  indicated  below  are  too  insignifîcant  to  deserve 
notice,  but  one  who  has  been  engaged  for  many  years  in 
explaining  the  difficulties  of  Medieval  Welsh  prose  to 
foreign  students,  may  be  pardoned  for  condemning  even 
such  minor  inaccuracies  as  mistaking  y  "  his"  t'or  y  "to", 
and  rendering  ohonaw  by  "  thereon  "  when  it  is  really  the 
idiomatic  expression  of  the  agent  with  the  verb-noun. 
Furthermore,  I  hold  that  the  conversational  second  person 
singular  of  the  Welsh  texts  should  have  been  preserved 
throughout,  and  that  in  address  unben(n)  "  chieftain  "  is 
hardly  translatable  by  the  English  "  sir  "  in  spite  of  the 
latter's  developtnent  frotn  sire.  E.g.,  on  p.  6,  5-6,  "  Sir  ", 
said  he,  "  I  know  who  you  are,  and  I  greet  you  not"  is  to 
me  most  incongruous.  "  Chieftain  ",  said  he,  "I  know 
who  thou  art,  and  1  greet  thee  not "  would  be  in  far 
greater  harmony  with  the  age  of  the  redaction,  not  to 
speak  of  any  retnoter  period. 

Some  idea  of  the  inexactitude  of  the  translation  may 
be  obtained  from  the  following  corrections,  a  list  by  no 
means  exhaustive,  in  the  first  twelve  pages. 

p.  4,  9-10,  to  let  loose  the  dogs  in  the  wood  to  to  set 
(release)  his  dogs  under  the  trees ;  10,  the  horn  to  his  hom; 
13,  listening  for  to  listening  to  ;  p.  5,  1,  it  ivas  not  the  same 
cry  to  they  had  not  the  same  cry  (lit.  they  were  not  of  the 
same  cry)  ;  8-9,  without  pausing  to  without  thinJcing 
(minding)  ;  9-10,  and  of  all  the  hounds  he  had  seen  in  the 
world  to  and  of  what  he  had  seen  ofthe  world's  hounds  ;   1 1,  as 

these  to  as  them;    12-13,  whiteness redness  to  extreme 

whiteness extreme  redness   (n.b.  how  tywyllet  is  cor- 


The  "  Mabinogion  ".  253 

rectly  translated  "extreme  dartness",  p.  35, 11)  ;  p.  6,  1-2, 
hanging  from  Jiis  neck  to  about  his  nech  (rendered  correctly 
p.  25,  3)  ;  2-3,  dressed  in  hunting  clothes  of  grey  woollen  to 
and  a  dress  of  greyish  cloth  upon  him  for  a  Ji  unting-dress ;  1 2- 
13,  I  never  saw  greater  discourtesy  in  man  to  I  have  not  seen 
greater  discourtesy  in  {any)  man  ;  p.  7,  7  and  subsequentlyj 
Annwn  to  Annwfn  ;  10,  the  man  to  a  man ;  12,  by  ridding 
me  of  that  oppression  to  by  remoring  that  man's  oppression 
from  (upon)  me  (cf.  p.  10,  2,  where  to  free  him  of  inay  be 
hnproved  to  to  remove  from  (or  tahe  off)  him,  and  p.  20,  20, 
where  threw  bach  may  be  iinproved  to  removed)  ;  8.  3-4, 
that  I  myself  am  not  you  to  that  it  is  (lit.  be)  not  I  that  thou 
art  (lit.  be)  ;  10-11,  and  one  strohe  tìiat  you  give  Jiim,  Jie 
sJiall  not  survive  to  and  do  tJwu  give  Jiim  one  bloiv.     He  will 

not  survive  it;  13-1-4,  I  gave  Jiim  one,  nevertJieless to 

despite  wJutt  I  gave  Jiim  .  .  .  .  ;  p.  9,  1,  tliat  you  yourself  are 
not  I  to  tJiat  it  is  (lit.  be)  not  tJiou  tJiat  I  am ;  2-3,  will  I  go 
yonder  to  and  I  will  proceed;  8-9,  wJio  will  not  recognise 
you  as  me  to  wJio  will  not  lcnow  tJiee;  p.  10,  5-6,  tìie  retinue 
tJie  most  comely  and  tJie  best  egnipped  to  and  the  fairest  and 
best-equipped  multitude;  p.  11,  3,  and  tJiey  occupied  tJiem- 
selves  witJi  to  and  tJiey  consumed  (enjoyed)  ;  11,  morning  to 
the  morrow  as  in  the  next  line ;  p.  12,  2,  tJie  dominions  to 
Jiis  dominions;  6,  botìi  are  claimants  against  tJie  otJier  to 
eacJi  of  tJiem  is  a  claimant  against  (lit.  on)  the  otJier ;  10-11, 
and  at  tJie  first  tJirust  to  and  at  tìie  first  onset;  14-16,  and 
(so  tJiat)  Hafgan  was  bome  to  ground,  an  arm,s  and  a  spear's 
lengtJi  ouer  Jùs  Jiorse's  crupper,  and  Jie  receẁed  a  mortal 
wound  to  and  (so  that)  Hafgan  was  (borne)  tJie  lengiJi  of  Jiis 
arm  and  spear  over  Jiis  ìiorse's  crupper  to  tJie  ground, 
mortally  wounded  (lit.  and  a  mortal  wound  in  him)  ;  p.  13, 
2-3,  i"  may  yet  repent  to  /  may  be  sorry  for  ;  5,  DeatJi  is  my 
destiny  (f'.n.  it  is  tJie  appointed  Death  to  me)  to  Death  is 
fixed  for  me ;  6-7,  my  condition  is  such  tJiat  I  can  support 


254  The  "  Mabìnogion  ". 

you  no  more  to  there  is  no  way  for  me  to  support  you  any 
more;  11  and  12,  those  who  to  him  who ;  13,  them  to  him; 
14,  /í-e  receẁed  to  Ae  foo&  (accepted) ;  15,  /o  ía&e  possession 
of  to  ío  subdue ;  22,  omit  ío  me  and  for  whereof  I  have 
heard  read  I  have  heard  (of)  it;  p.  14,  7,  í/iey  felt  no  more 
novelty  at  his  corning  to  aná  /m  coming  ivas  no  more  strange 
to  them;  15,  she  meditated  on  it  to  and  that  (was)  what  she 
thought ;  20,  /  have  not  spohen  so  much  as  this  to  that  whose 
egual  I  have  not  spohen;  25,  after  said  she,  supply  if,  and 
in  1.  27  for  neither  ....  nor  read  either  .  .  .  .  or ;  p.  15,  2, 
not  to  speah.  of  anything  else  to  much  less  what  were  more 
than  that;  3,  on  that  to  and  then;  3-4,  I  have  found  a  man 
whose  friendship  ivas  firm  and  faithful  to  a  man  whose 
friendship  was  strong  and  true  have  I  found  as  a  friend ; 
9,  By  God  to  whom  T  confess  to  I  confess  to  God  (lit.  it  is 
to  God  that  I  confess)  ;  10-11,  in  respect  of  war,  in  tempta- 
tions  of  the  body,  and  in  Tceeping  faith  with  you  tofor  having 
withstood  the  temptations  of  his  body  and  hept  faith  with 
thee;  15,  Then  to  and  he;  17,  the  land  to  his  dominion, 
and  omit  lihe;  24-25,  delete  "  after  you  and  emend  what 
follows  to  read  thus,  and  this  is  the  story  (of)  how  it  has 
been",  and  Pwyll  related  it;  p.  16,  2-3,  I  hope  to  an  we 
hnow  it  ("  ot  gwnn':  being-  stereotyped  for  the  plural 
also)  ;   12-13,  he  ceased  to  bear  the  name  of  Pwyll,  Prince  of 

Dyfed,    and    was    called to    his   (own)    appellation 

ceased  for  (lit.  failed   to)   Pwyll,  Prince  of  Dyfed,  and  he 
was  called 

It  will  be  apparent  to  everyone  that  neither  time  nor 
space  will  permit  any  such  dehiiled  emendation  of  the 
whole  of  the  tales,  but  the  following-  are  very  necessary 
corrections  in  the  remainder  of  the  first  tale  : 

p.  32,  19-21.  Read  and  let  us  lay  the  destruction  of  the 
boy  against  (lit.  upon)  her ;  and  there  will  be  no  disputing 
(with)  us  six  against  her  alone. 


The  "  Mabinogion" .  255 

p.  34,  20-21.  Read  'Wife',  saicl  Teirnon,  'foolish  are 
we  every  year  to  let  our  mare  be  in  foal  without  securing  one 
of  them '. 

p.  35,  28-36,  2.  Read  I  would  bring  women  (to  be)  with 
me,  and  luould  say  that  I  were  pregnant. 

p.  37,  19.  For  he  was  at  îeisure  with  his  wife,  read  ìie 
found  his  wife  in  high  spirits. 

p.  39,  4-5.  Read  and  how  they,  Teirnon  ancl  his  wife, 
had  claimed  the  boy. 

p.  39,  16.     For  icell  becomes,  read  best  becomes. 

p.  39,  17-18.  Read  '  whether  Jiis  own  name  may  not 
become  him  better'. 

p.  39,  18-19.  For  What  name  has  he?  read  Where  is 
the  name  ? 

p.  40,  1-2.  Read  c  That  is  the  most  proper',  said  Pwyll, 
'  to  tahe  the  boifs  name  from ' 

One  turns  iiistinctively  to  well-known  pit-falls,  and 
finds  that  tliey  are  not  successfully  rendered  in  tbis 
translation.  E.g.  hyt  nat  oed  un  mwyn(y)ant  a  ellit  0 
honunt  (R.B.  29,  6)  is  not  quite  "  till  there  was  110 
advantage  or  power  in  them  " ;  rather  is  it  "till  there 
was  no  use  that  could  be  made  of  (lit.  with)  them  ".  Cf. 
ny  ellir  mwynyant  a  hi  (R.B.  124,  14)  "  110  use  can  be  made 
of  it",  and  rendered  "  110  profit  can  be  got  f  rom  it "  (p. 
207,  20);  and  ny  mwynhaa  (R.B.  133,  12)  "it  will  avail 
not  ",  or  "  it  will  not  be  effective  ",  and  correctly  rendered 
"  it  also  will  be  of  no  avail "  (p.  220,  9). 

Yn  y  vlwydyn  y  heueis  yn  dìwarauun  wynt  (R.B.  32, 
13-14)  cannot  mean  "  and  for  a  year  I  kept  them  ungrudg- 
ingly",  but  rather  "  and  during  the  year  I  found  them 
unobjectionable  ". 

a(n)ghynnwys  (R.B.  32,  16)  is  not  "  unkeepable  ",  but 
"  unwelcome  ". 


2  s6  The  "  Mabinoçion  ' 


6 


ae  tharaw  gantaiu  allan  (R.B.  33,  5)  means  "  and  thrust 
it  out  with  liim ",  rafcher  than  "and  broke  out  through 
them  ",  pleit  being  of  course  a  singular  noun. 

a  clyscu  ieith  icli  (R..B.  34,  18)  does  not  necessarily  im- 
ply  that  the  bird  was  taught  "  to  speak  ",  but  "  language, 
speech  ",  i.e.,  to  understand  speech.  As  far  as  can  be 
gathered  from  the  context,  there  was  no  occasion  for  it 
"  to  speak  ",  only  to  comprehend  what  was  spoken  to  it, 
and  if  it  had  been  taught  "to  speak  ",  there  would  have 
been  no  occasion  for  the  letter. 

Nyt  oeâ  anesmiuythach  nac  adnàbot  o  vn  ar  y  gîlyd  y  uot 
yn  hynny  o  amser  no  phan  doethant  yno  (R..B.  42,  7-9)  can- 
not  mean  "  Recognition  of  one  by  the  other  was  not  more 
painful  than  when  they  came  there  ".  It  can  only  mean 
either  "  It  was  not  more  unpleasant  than  that  one  saw  by 
the  other  that  it  was  that  tiine  (i.e.,  that  that  time 
had  passed)  than  when  they  came  there  ",  or  "  It  was  not 

more  unpleasant,  nor  did  one  see  by  the  other ". 

Possibly  the  former;  it  is  but  natural  to  suppose  that 
time,  although  they  were  oblivious  to  its  passing,  did 
alter  their  appearance. 

Ny  hand(en)ei  dim  am  danei  (R.B.  85,  22)  is  translated 
"  he  could  not  rest  at  all  because  of  her  "  (p.  140,  22).  I 
am  quite  sure  from  the  context  here,  and  other  instances 
of  this  verb,  that  the  meaning  is  "  he  could  think  of 
nothing  because  of  her  ". 

It  will  be  readily  admitted  by  all  Welsh  students  that 
the  major  portion  of  Rulhiuch  is  the  most  diíhcult  of  all 
the  so-called  Mabinogion.  There  is  much  in  it  that  we 
can  only  guess  the  meaning  of,  but  our  comprehension  of 
it  is  far  greater  than  might  be  gathered  from  tlie  many 
errors  perpetrated  in  this  translation.  The  following  cor- 
rections  are  but  few  of  the  emendations  necessary  in  the 
fìrst  few  pages  of  the  tale. 


The  "  Mabinogion  " .  257 

aeth.  hitheu  yg  gwylltawc  heb  dygredu  anhed  (R.B.  100, 
6-7)  is  wrongly  interpreted  "  she  roamed  about  madly, 
without  trusting  any  dwelling"  (170,  7-8).  The  form 
precludes  the  meaning  "madly",  and  even  translating 
"  she  went  mad  ".  Rather  does  it  mean  "to  the  wilds", 
and  from  some  other  examples  of  dygredu,  one  is  inclined 
to  render  the  last  phrase  "  without  frequenting  (visiting) 
any  habitation  ". 

hennattau  y  mab  a  orucpwyt,  a  dyuot  ac  ef  yr  ìlys  (R.B. 

101,  27-28)  is  rendered  very  loosely  "He  sent  messengers 
for  his  son  ;  and  they  came  with  him  to  the  court".  Bet- 
ter  were  "the  boy  was  sent  for,  and  brought  to  the 
court ". 

hyuelin  dogyn  gwr  0  drwm  (W.B.  drum)  hyt  awch  (R.B. 

102,  16-17).  In  spite  of  its  difficulty,  one  may  be  quite 
sure  that  this  passage  does  not  mean  "  as  thick  as  the  arm 
of  a  very  heavy  man  up  to  tlie  edge"  (173,  10-11).  The 
W.B.  form  drum  makes  it  fairly  certain  that  the  latter 
portion  is  to  be  interpreted  "  from  back  to  edge  ",  and  I 
am  inclined  to  understaud  hyuelin  dogyn  givr  as  "the 
measure  of  a  man's  forearm  ". 

Pedeir  tywarchen  a  ladei  bed.war  cara  y  gorwyd  (R.B. 
102,  27-28),  not  "  The  four  sods  of  turf  which  the  four 
hoofs  of  his  steed  cut",  but  "  The  four  hoofs  of  the  steed 
(would)  cut  four  sods  ". 

Ny  chrymei  vlaen  blewyn  y  danaw  (R.B.  103,  3-4)  does 
not  quite  mean  "  a  blade  of  grass  bent  not  beneath  him  ", 
but,  much  more  forcibly,  "  the  tip  of  a  blade  of  grass  did 
not  bend  beneath  him  ",  and  even  "a  blade  of  grass  "  is 
not  certain.  It  might  equally  well  be  interpreted  "a 
hair".  At  all  events,  reference  should  have  been  made 
to  the  variant  reading  of  W.B.,  ny  cìiwynei  vlaen  bleioyn 
amaw,  which  might  be  interpreted  "  not  the  tip  of  a  hair 
complained  of  him  (or  upon  it)  ". 


258  The  " Mabinogion" . 

rac  yscawnet  tuth  y  gorwyd  (E.B.  103,  4)  has  been  very 
loosely  rendered  "  by  reason  of  the  lightness  of  the  touch 
of  the  steed  ".  Eead  rather  "  by  reason  of  the  very  light 
trot  of  the  steed  ". 

a  thitheu  ny  bo  teu  dy  benn  byrr  y  (W.B.  py  ry)  Jcyuerchy 
di  (E.B.  103,  6-7)  has  been  translated  "  and  you,  whose 
tongue  is  not  silent,  why  do  you  aecost  me?",  ignoring 
the  subjunctive  character  of  bo  and  interpreting  teu 
"  thy  "  as  an  impossible  adjective  froin  the  stem  of  tawaf. 
This  first  portion  most  assuredly  means  "  and  thou,  may 
not  thy  head  be  thine  (i.e.,  may  it  be  cut  off)  ",  and  while 
admitting  that  the  remainder  might  conceivably  mean 
"whyhast  thou  accosted  (me)?",  Iam  inclined  to  treat 
py  as  the  oblique  relative  and  to  translate  "  by  reason  (of 
the  manner  that)  thou  hast  addressed  ". 

nyt  wrthnef.  nyt  wriìi  dayar  (E.B.  103,  11)  cannot  by 
any  manner  of  means  be  interpreted  "  not  upon  the  sky 
nor  upon  the  earth  "  (174,  21-22).  It  is  probably  "not 
(pointing)  to  the  sky  or  to  the  earth ",  and  ual  maen 
treigyl  (174,  22)  were  better  rendered  "  like  a  rolling 
stone  "  than  "  like  a  stone  rolling  ".  Similarly  ar  lawr 
llys,  not  "011  the  floor  of  the  court ",  but  "on  the  fìoor  of 
a  court ". 

Ryllell  a  edyw  ym  bwyt  a  llynn  ym  bual,  ac  amsathyr 
ueuad  arthur,  namyn  mab  brenhin  gwlat  teithiawc,  neu  y 
gerdawr  a  dycJco  y  gerd,  ny  atter  y  mywn,  llith  yth  gwn  ac 
[yt]  yth  ueirch  ....  (E.B.  103,  13-17)  is  translated  (174, 
24-175,  3)  "The  lcnife  is  in  the  food,  and  the  drink  in  the 
horn,  and  a  throng  in  Arthur's  court.  Save  the  son  of  a 
King  of  a  worthy  land  or  a  musician,  who  brings  his  art, 
none  may  enter.     Food  for  your  dogs  and  wheat  for  your 

horses ",  and  the  inexactitude  of  the  rendering 

may  be  gathered  from  the  following  more  or  less  literal 
translation  :   "  A  knife  has  gone  into  food,  and  drink  into 


The  " Mabinogion".  259 

horn,  and  thronged  is  Arthur's  court ;  save  the  (fully)  en- 
dowed  son  of  a  country's  king  or  a  craftsman  who  brings 
(oí'  plies)  his  craft,  none  will  be  allowed  in.     Mash  for  thy 

dogs,  and   corn    for  thy    steeds ".     To    interpret 

teithiawc  with  gwlat,  cerdawr  and  cerd  as  "  musician  "  and 
"  art  ",  and  y't  (W.~B.yd)  as  "  wheat  ",  are  unpardonable 
errors. 

Ymchoelawd  (leg,  ymchoeîawt?)  eu  kallonev  yn  wrth(t)rwm 
heint  (R.B.  104,  5;  heint  not  in  W.B.,  and  with  gwrthtrwm 
cf.  diwrth[t]rwm  R.B.  267,  12)  has  been  translated  "  and 
the  hearts  of  those  (who  are  not  pregnant)  shall  be  turned 
into  grievous  plight  ",  instead  of  "and  those  who  are  not 
pregnant,  their  wombs  will  be  grievous(ly)  disease(d)  for 
them  ". 

Àr  sawl  a  edrych  y  goleu,  ac  a  egyr  y  lygat,  ac  ae  kae 
anghengaeth  idaiu.     A  gwassanaethet  rei  0  vuelin  (W.B.  a 

buelin)  goreureit hyt  pan  vo  parawt  (W.B.  goranhed) 

bwyt  a  llyn  idaw  is  thus  rendered  (177,  7-11),  "  And  let 
those  that  look  upon  the  light,  and  open  and  shut  the  eye, 
be  in  extreine  bondage  to  him,  and  serve  him,  some  with 

srolden  drinkmg  horns till  food  and  drink  shall 

be  ready  for  him  ".  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  goranhed  of 
W.B.  is  ignored  entirely.  This  word  is  probably  related 
to  the  stein  of  maran(h)ed  "provisions,  supplies ",  and 
means  "  plentiful ".  The  footnote  on  bondage  is  as  fol- 
lows  :  "  '  anghengaeth ',  bondage.  Anwyl  renders  the 
bondage  as  blindness ".  Neither  makes  any  sense.  I 
suggest  the  following  translation  :  "and  whoever  (lît.  the 
one  who)  looks  upon  the  light,  and  opens  his  eye  and  shuts 
it,  (let  there  be)  an  absolute  injunction  upon  him  (i.e., 
who  looks  upon  the  light,  etc,  not  Kulhwch).  And  let 
some  serve  him  with  (R..B.  from)  golden  (or  gilded)  horns 

till  food  and  drink  be  plentiful  (R.B.  ready)  for 

him  ". 


2Óo  The  "  Mabinogion  ". 


6 


Of  several  other  important  corrections,  I  shall  confine 
mjself  to  two  or  three  only. 

Or  tu  draw  y  uor  terwyn  (R.B.  110, 12-13)  "from  across 
the  raging  sea  "  (185,  17-18).  Very  improbable,  although 
"  from  across  a  raging  sea  "  were  possible.  I  suspect  (and 
others  may  have  suggested  it  also,  although  I  have  not 
seen  it  published)  that  mor  terioyn  represents  mare 
TyrrJíënum,  and  that  the  phrase  means  "from  beyond  the 
T.  Sea  ". 

Bronllech  rud  a  oed  yndaw  (R.B.  111,  10-11).  The  ren- 
dering  "  he  had  a  red  breast-plate  "  (187,  1)  is  not  only 
impossible,  but  meaningless.  Yndaw  "in  him  "  makes  it 
clear  that,  whatever  it  is,  it  is  not  "  a  red  breast-plate  ". 
O.  Ir.  brollach  "breast,  bosom  "  is  cognate  with  bronllech, 
perhaps  borrowed  from  it,  so  that  we  can  provisional]}r 
interpret  the  word  as  "bosom".  Bronllech  rud(d)  "  red 
bosom  ",  may  have  been  a  term  for  some  disease  lilce 
diabetes ;  this  would  accord  very  well  with  his  drinhing 
proclivities. 

hyt  bei  rwyf  dec  erydyr  (W.B.  aradyr)  ar  hugeint  yndi 
(E.B.  111,  12-13).  This  is  translated  "if  there  were  the 
haiwests  of  thirty  ploughs  therein  "  (187,  3),  and  foot- 
note  89  adinits  that  there  is  no  authority  for  Lady  Guest's 
rendition  "haiwest",  and  proceeds  thus :  "  The  word 
'  rhwyf  '  has  three  meanings — '  ruler ',  '  need  ',  '  oar  ',  all 
meaningless  in  the  context.  What  follows  justifies  the 
use  of  'haiwest'".  The  one  meaning  that  misrht  suit 
here,  is  untnown  to  the  translators,  namely  "  course, 
career,  etc.  ".  There  are  plenty  of  instances  of  its  em- 
ployment  in  this  sense  in  the  poetry,  and  it  may  be  sug- 
gested  that  "the  course  of  thirty  ploughs  "  might  imply 
the  extent  of  the  barn,  just  as  well  as  the  pure  guess 
"  harvests  "  does. 

merch  hynuelyn  heudawt  (W.B.  heudawc)  pwyll  hanner 


The  "  Mabinooion  ".  261 


à> 


dyn  (E.B.  112,  5-6)  is  thus  rendered  (188,  11-12),  "the 
daughter  of  Cynfelyn,  the  guardian  of  Pwyll,  the  half- 
man  ".  How  came  it  that  the  translators  mistook  Jceudawt 
"mind,  thought"  for  heidwat  "guardian"?  Even  the 
W.B.  Jceudawc  might  mean  "  minded  ",  and  their  render- 
ing  is  very  far  reinoved  from  the  correct  one  which  would 
be  something  approaching  "  the  daughter  of  Cynfelyn, 
with  the  wit  of  a  half-man  ". 

l-eudawt  pioyll  [lit.  "  (the)  mind  of  (the)  wit "]  Jianner 
dyn  is  most  certainly  descriptive  of  Cynfelyn,  not  hanner 
dyn  of  an  imaginary  Pwyll. 

ÍTo  one  can  regret  more  than  the  writer  of  this  review, 
the  necessity  for  these  seemingly  ruthless  emendations. 
No  one  would  have  welcomed  an  approximately  correct 
translation  more  than  he,  and  at  the  same  time  greeted 
new  recruits  to  the  fìeld  of  Welsh  research.  Welsh 
scholars  are  not  "dos:s  in  the  manger"  who  resent  the 
arrival  of  additional  collaborators  in  their  work  ;  rather 
are  they  fully  aware  of  the  immensity  of  the  tasks  which 
remain  still  to  be  done,  and  are  glad  of  any  addition  to 
their  number.  New-comers  to  the  field,  however,  must 
have  this  amount  of  regard  for  the  treasures  of  their 
ancient  literature,  that  they  shall  approach  their  elucida- 
tion  with  tiie  cautious  mind  of  scientific  scholars,  not 
with  the  precipitate  recklessness  of  amateurs,  however 
well-intentioned. 


Editorial  Note. 

Having  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  critical  observa- 
tions  contained  in  the  foregoing  paper,  and  being  aware 
that  some  time  must  necessarily  elapse  before  they  can  be 
answered  in  another  Cymmrodor,  the  Editor  thought  fit 
to  submit  a  proof  of  the  paper  to  the  authors  of  the  volume 


2  6  2  The  "  Mabinogion  ' ' . 

imder  review.  We  insert  at  this  point  the  answer  supplied 
by  the  joint  translators,  Mr.  T.  P.  Ellis  and  Mr.  John 
Lloyd,  not  with  the  view  of  promoting  disputation  but  in 
order  to  encourage  learning. — V.E. 


A  RESPONSE  BY  THE  TRANSLATORS. 

The  Editor  has  very  kindly  sent  us  an  advance  copy  of 
the  above  "  review  and  criticism  ",  asking  us  to  make  any 
observations  on  it  we  think  proper,  so  that  they  may  be 
included  in  the  same  number. 

To  reply  to  Professor  Lloyd  Jones  in  detail  is  mani- 
festly  impossible  for  want  of  time  and  space.  Moreover, 
a  reply  is  made  more  difficult  by  the  fact  that  the  article  is 
neither  a  "  review  "  nor  a  "  criticism  ".  It  is  merely  a 
medley  of  somewhat  minute  suggestions  of  change,  the 
great  majority  of  which  leave  us  quite  unimpressed. 

Professor  Lloyd  Jones  suffers  from  the  delusion  that 
in  translating,  our  object  was  to  furnish  the  philological 
expert  with  a  "  literal  crib  ".  Our  purpose  was  something 
quite  different  :  we  aimed  at  furnishing  the  ordinary 
public,  and  the  scholastic  public  (children  and  teachers) 
with  a  more  accurate  presentation  of  the  Welsh  classic 
than  any  at  present  available.  When  we  referred  to 
the  "  scholarly  public  "  we  did  not  identify  it  with  the 
'  philological  experts  ",  but  with  that  vast  field  interested 
in  literature,  folk-lore,  mediaeval  manners  and  the  like, 
which  can  fairly  claim  to  be  "  scholarly  ".  Consequently, 
as  we  explained,  we  attempted  to  balance,  with  due  regard 
to  the  text  and  the  English  language,  a  literal  translation 
with  a  literary  one. 

Professor  Lloyd  Jones  in  his  "  critique  "  illustrates  the 
difference  of  outlook.  His  suggestion  that  the  passage 
on  p.  70  (R.B.  42,  7-9)  should  read  "  It  was  not  more 


The  "  Mabino°ionr '.  26 


Ô 


uwpleasant  than  that  one  saw  by  the  other  that  it  was 
that  timc  than  when  they  came  there  ",  may,  in  his 
view,  furnish  a  literal  rendering.  For  the  honour  of  the 
Mabinogion,  we  beg  leave  to  differ  profoundly  on  the 
point  :  but  in  any  case  Professor  Lloyd  Jones'  suggestion 
is  neither  literary  nor  intelligible  English.  We  suggest 
that  the  "  amateur  '  rendering  is  both,  and,  moreover, 
agrees  with  the  text.  The  same  applies  to  a  number  of 
his  other  suggestions  in  varying  degrees.  We  may  add 
that  in  practically  every  case  we  have  behind  us  definite 
expert  authority  for  our  renderings. 

Professor  Lloyd  Jones  admits  that  a  translation  which 
will  satisfy  everyone  is  impossible.  We  are  aware  that 
there  are  as  many  possible  renditions  of  difficult  passages 
as  there  are  "  philological  experts  "  ;  in  fact  more,  for  the 
philological  expert  is  constantly  changing  his  own  views. 
We  have  been  content  to  follow,  in  cases  of  difficulty,  that 
rendering  which  appears  to  us  most  consonant  with  the 
original  text. 

In  his  last  paragraph,  Professor  Tjloyd  Jones  states  that 
the  professional  experts  are  not  "  dogs  in  the  manger  ". 
At  no  time  have  we  ever  hinted  or  said  so  ;  the  suggestion 
is  Professor  Lloyd  Jones'  own.  Our  experience,  however, 
is  that  any  request  for  advice  or  help  from  philologists  is 
generally  ignored,  and  we  will  leave  it  at  that. 

We  are  quite  content  also  to  leave  our  translation, 
together  with  such  defects  as  we  admit  it  may  have,  to 
future  judgment,  when  possibly  a  little  more  generosity 
of  outlook  and  fairness  may  be  observable  than  to-day. 
We  have  given  such  services  as  we  were  able  to  give  freely 
and  without  reward  ;  we  are  in  no  way  perturbed  by  the 
onslaughts  of  the  "  experts  ",  who  indulge  in  similar 
attacks,  one  upon  the  other,  whenever  they  happen  to 
disagree.     We  recognise  that  a  good  deal  of  what  the 


264  The  "  Mabinogion  ". 

'  expert  ' '  writes  is  not  intended  to  be  taken  seriously  ;  it 
is  a  mere  mannerism  unfortunately  seemingly  inseparable 
from  philological  pursuits. 

T.  P.  Ellis. 

JOHN   LLOYD. 


&§t  íatt  §bix  Jfo^n  (THom^Jfonetf, 

(m.(*i.,  ää.©.,  ®.Ä«t 


AN  APPEECIATION 
By  Professor  J.  LLOYD-JONES,  M.A.,  Dublin. 


When  the  Cymmrodorion  Medal  was  awarded  to  Sir 
Owen  Morgan  Edwards,  Sir  John  Morris-Jones,  and 
other  eminent  Welshmen,  the  Editor  of  the  Cymmrodor 
prefaced  his  biographical  notes  upon  the  former  with  the 
words  "  in  recognition  of  distinguished  services  to  Wales 
as  a  devoted  patriot,  an  inspired  writer,  and  an  en- 
lightened  teacher  "  ;  and  upon  the  latter,  "  in  recognition 
of  distinguished  services  to  Wales,  in  particular  by  the 
production  of  his  Welsh  Grammar,  his  contributions  to 
Celtic  Scholarship,  and  his  unswerving  devotion  to  the 
Eisteddfod,  the  Language,  and  the  People  of  his  Native 
Land  "  (Transactions  of  the  Hon.  Soc.  of  Cymmrodorion, 
1919-20). 

No  country  in  the  world  has  been  served  more  faith- 
fully  and  loyally  than  was  Wales  by  the  two  distinguished 
scholars  who  were  simultaneously  honoured  by  the 
Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion ,  and  among  the 
illustrious  Welshmen  whose  services  have  been  thus 
recognized  by  the  Society,  none  merited  the  distinction 
more  than  these  two  whom  one's  mind  links  instinctively 
together  in  appraising  the  progress  of  Welsh  Literature 
during  the  last  fifty  years.  To  the  one  the  honour  was 
posthumous — death  had  claimed  hini  in  May,  19-20,— 
and  now  we  mourn  the  loss  of  the  other.  Friends  from 
their  Oxford  years,  they  vied  with  each  other  in   their 

T 


2 66  The  late  Sir  John  Morrisjones. 

indefatigable  and  unremitting  endeavours  on  behalf  of 
their  country's  literary  culture,  the  one  by  ministering 
to  the  nation's  need  of  worthy  periodicals  and  popular 
editions  of  its  classics,  and  the  other  by  jealously  guard- 
ing  the  best  traditions  of  its  prose  and  its  poetry, 
especially  the  latter,  in  purity  of  form  and  diction. 

Without  eliminating  other  factors  which  might  ulti- 
mately  have  influenced  our  literature  and  assisted  in  its 
salvation,  one  wonders  often  what  its  fate  would  have 
been  if  those  seven  patriotic  Welsh  students  had  not  fore- 
gathered  around  the  late  Sir  John  Ehys  and  founded 
the  Dafvdd  ap  Gwilym  Society — "  Y  Dafydd  "  as  it  is 
affectionately  known  to  its  members  and  their  friends — 
on  the  6th  of  May,  1886.  The  vision  of  Owen  Edwards 
and  the  zeal  of  John  Morris-Jones  could  not  possibly 
have  been  lost  to  Wales,  but  certain  is  it  that  the 
passionate  love  of  their  country's  literature  which  found 
its  expression  in  the  establishment  of  the  Society  and 
its  epitome  in  its  name,  was  intensified  and  largely 
directed  by  the  activities  and  the  deliberations  of  its 
meetings. 

One  of  Sir  John  Morris-Jones'  claims  to  his  country's 
gratitude  is  that  he,  more  than  anyone  else,  laboured  for 
the  redemption  of  the  orthography  of  its  language  from 
its  chaotic  state  since  the  completion  of  Dr.  William 
Owen  Pughe's  Dictionary  in  1803.  Pughe's  fallacies,  it 
is  true,  did  not  prevail  throughout  the  century,  but 
although  several  attempts  had  been  made  to  establish 
uniformity,  the  evils  which  his  idiosyncrasies  and  fan- 
tastic  theories  concerning  linguistic  development  had 
engendered,  had  persisted  in  the  instability  which  char- 
acterised  Welsh  spelling  even  after  three-quarters  of  a 
century  had  elapsed.  The  genius  of  Sir  John  Morris- 
Jones  could  not  have  failed  ultimately  to  exert  itself  on 


The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones.  267 

its  behalf ,  but  it  was  afforded  its  unique  opportunity  when 
the  Dafydd  ap  Gwilym  Society  discussed  the  matter  in 
the  spring  of  1888,  and  without  disparaging  one  whit 
the  contributions  of  the  other  members  to  the  solution  of 
the  various  problems  at  issue,  it  may  be  confidently 
assumed  that  they  were  guided  by  his  unerring  instinct 
for  beauty  and  correctness  of  form.  Although  Owen 
Edwards  embodied  the  new  rules  in  his  books  and 
periodicals,  it  was  John  Morris-Jones'  pen  that  indited 
them  for  the  Press.  It  was  he  that  elucidated  them  by 
his  able  articles,  and  became  the  Secretary  of  the  Ortho- 
graphical  Committee  of  the  Society  for  Utilizing  the 
Welsh  Language  which  published  its  Report  in  1893, 
and  when,  nearly  thirty-five  years  after,  the  University 
of  Wales  Board  of  Celtic  Studies  requested  its  Literature 
Committee  to  prepare  a  new  Report  on  Welsh  Ortho- 
graphy,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  who  had  for  forty  years 
been  recognised  as  its  chief  authority,  should  become  the 
Chairman  of  this  new  Committee.  The  major  burden 
in  the  preparation  of  this  new  Report  was  again  under- 
taken  by  the  Chairman,  despite  the  incipient  menace 
and  shadow  of  his  last  illness,  and  all  the  other  members 
of  the  Committee  will  readily  accord  him  the  greater 
portion  of  any  meed  of  praise  which  its  published  Report 
may  deserve. 

In  association  always  with  a  feeling  for  the  beauty 
of  the  written  word,  but  far  transcending  it  in  import, 
goes  a  passion  for  accurate  diction,  and  no  Welshman 
ever  evinced  this  more  intensely  than  Sir  John  Morris- 
Jones.  In  him  it  amounted  almost  to  an  obsession.  This 
was  not  a  product  of  his  Oxford  days,  although  it  received 
its  nurture  there,  because  his  love  of  his  country's  litera- 
ture,  of  which  this  was  but  an  expression,  had  already 
been  fostered  at  his  home  in  Llanfair.    In  the  brief  sketch 


2 68  T/ie  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones. 

of  his  career  which  was  written  at  the  Editor's  request 
and  published  in  the  volume  of  the  Transactions  already 
mentioned,  we  are  informed  that  during  a  year's  enforced 
absence  from  school  consequent  upon  his  father's  death 
on  Christmas  Day,  1879,  he  spent  the  time  at  home 
helping  his  mother  and  reading,  along  with  other  things, 
Taìhaiarn,  Ceiriog,  and  Gorchestion  Beirdd  Cymru.  He 
was  then  but  fifteen  years  old,  and  the  mere  fact  of  a 
boy  of  that  age  reading  the  Gorchestion,  and  evidently 
enjoying  the  poems,  for  otherwise  he  would  not  have  read 
them,  betokened  not  only  an  affection  for  the  literature 
but  an  innate  capacity  of  comprehension.  This  boyhood 
acquaintance  with  the  Gorchestion  was  the  early  mani- 
festation  of  a  life-long  love  of  the  poetry  of  the  Cyicydd 
period  from  Dafydd  ap  Gwilym  to  Wiliam  Llŷn.  It  is 
true  that  while  he  was  a  student  at  Oxford,  under 
Ehys'  influence  and  guidance,  he  copied  Lìyfr  Ancr 
Llanddewifrefi,  which  was  published  in  1894  and  was 
followed  in  1898  by  a  new  edition  of  Y  Bardd  Cicsc,  and 
that  these  contained  for  the  first  time  exhaustive  intro- 
ductions  and  textual  notes.  Nevertheless,  it  was  the 
poetry  of  the  Gywyddwyr  that  claimed  his  heart  and  his 
mind,  and  if  Goronwy  Owen  had  a  goodly  share  in  them, 
it  was  not  only  because  he  was  a  poet  of  Anglesey,  but 
because  he  revived  the  traditions  of  the  poetry  of  earlier 
centuries.  In  this  poetry  he  found  his  inspiration  and 
his  standards,  and  its  diction  furnished  the  criteria  by 
which  correct  idiom  should  be  judged.  One  need  but 
glance  at  his  Weìsh  Grammar  to  see  how  extensively  he 
had  gleaned  his  instances  from  it.  It  may  be  that  the 
standards  which  he  adopted  were  too  static  for  prose,  but 
there  is  no  gainsaying  the  tremendous  eífect  which  his 
insistence  upon  them  had  upon  the  writers  of  Modern 
Welsh  prose  and  poetry. 


The  late  Sir  John  Moms-Jones.  269 

He  possessed  the  sure  instincts  of  a  born  grammarian, 
the  greatest  grammarian  perhaps  that  Wales  has  ever 
seen,  and  in  his  methods  he  stood  in  the  direct  lineage 
of  Dr.  Griffith  Eoberts,  Milan,  and  Dr.  John  Davies, 
Mallwyd.  In  the  Preface  to  his  Welsh  Grammar,  he  wrote 
of  the  latter's  grammar  which  was  published  in  1621  : 
"  The  grammar  represents  the  result  of  a  careful  study 
of  the  works  of  the  bards  ' ' ,  words  that  would  serve  very 
aptly  to  describe  his  own  Grammar,  of  all  his  works  the 
dearest  to  his  heart  and  the  one  in  which  he  took  the 
greatest  pride.  In  its  original  form,  it  seems  that  the 
Accidence  had  been  completed  and  the  Syntax  more  than 
half  written  by  1907.  This  was  the  second  draft,  and 
represented  nearly  seven  years'  work,  irrespective  of 
other  years  of  garnering  materials.  Why,  one  wonders, 
was  not  the  effort  made  to  finish  the  Syntax,  and  the 
whole  published  in  its  original  form?  I  was  a  student  of 
Sir  John  Ehys  and  Dr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Joseph  Wright 
at  the  time,  and  the  latter,  during  one  of  my  periodical 
visits  to  his  house  for  his  supervision  of  my  work,  referred 
to  the  Welsh  Grammar  as  though  it  had  been  submitted 
for  publication  in  the  Series  of  Grammars  which  he  was 
contemplating,  but  that  he  had  found  it  far  too  voluminous 
and  comprehensive  for  inclusion  in  the  Series.  If  one 
can  judge  the  size  of  the  original  work  by  that  of  the 
Wclsh  Grammar  published  in  1913,  and  if  one  com- 
pares  this  with  the  Grammar  0/  Old  English  and  the 
Grammar  oj  the  Gothic  Languagc,  Wright's  reluctance 
becomes  easily  intelligible.  But  what  a  misfortune  !  If 
it  had  been  found  possible  to  issue  the  Grammar  then,  we 
should  have  had  by  its  greatest  master  a  work  011  the 
Syntax  of  the  Welsh  Language.  His  own  account  of 
what  happened  afterwards  is  most  illuminating  :  '  I 
found  myself  ",  he  says  in  the  Preface  already  mentioned, 


270  The  late  Sìr  John  Morris-Jones. 

' '  in  the  Syntax  quoting  more  and  more  from  Mediaeval 
prose.  At  last  I  was  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Mediseval  period  would  have  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  earlier 

portion In  recasting  the  first  portion  I  thought 

it  would  be  well  to  bring  together  the  laws  by  which 
Welsh    sounds   are   derived   from    Keltic   and   Primitive 

Aryan "    I  cannot  help  thinking  that  Wright  was 

partly  responsible  for  this  conversion  of  a  descriptẁe 
Grammar  of  Welsh  into  a  Welsh  Grammar  Historical 
and  Comparative,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  in 
1908  appeared  the  first  volume  of  Pedersen's  Vergleich- 
ende  Grammatih  der  ceìtischen  Sprachen,  and  in  1909 
Thurneysen's  Handbuch  des  Aìt-Irischen,  and  it  were 
perhaps  better  to  believe  that  all  three  contributed  to  the 
change.  At  all  events  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  increase 
in  size  of  the  first  portion,  now  termed  Phonology  and 
Accidenee,  and  the  additional  labour  of  collecting,  in- 
venting  and  arranging  the  derivations,  deprived  us  of  the 
second  portion  altogether. 

A  great  grammarian  as  Sir  John  was,  it  may  be  said 
without  prejudicing  the  value  of  the  Welsh  Grammar, 
that  he  was  not  a  great  philologist.  Like  his  teacher, 
Sir  John  Ehj^s,  he  was  inclined  to  be  too  venturesome  in 
many  of  the  new  derivations  that  he  propounded.  It  has 
been  frequently  stated  that  he  had  the  mathematical 
mind,  and  just  as  1  +  6  or  2  +  5  or  3  +  4  =  7,  so  he  con- 
ceived  Welsh  words  sometimes  to  be  explicable  by  such 
permutations.  Andaw  was  by  metathesis  from  *adnaw 
(regardless  of  its  obvious  connection  with  taw,  tewi) ; 
andwyo  from  *adnwyo  (despite  its  apparent  relation  to 
mor-dwyo,  cynor-thwyo)  ;  and  dedwydd  from  *do-tuiios 
(instead  of  a  reasonable  development  from  *do-ate-uid-). 
Brilliant,  undoubtedly,  but  not  philologically  sound. 
Heaven  forbid  that  I  should  appear  to  decry  all  the  new 


The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones.  271 

origins  offered  in  the  Welsh  Grammar,  only  to  say  simpiy 
and  with  regret  that  by  expending  time  and  space  upon 
these  new  extractions,  the  greatest  master,  teacher  and 
exponent  óf  Welsh  Syntax  was  prevented  from  giving  to 
Celtic  scholars  what  he  alone  was  qualified  to  give.  The 
greater  part  of  the  philological  element  colìected  in  the 
Grammar  is  assuredly  valuable  and  above  suspicion,  and 
what  is  more,  the  vast  number  of  instances  of  forms,  and 
quotations,  from  poetry  and  prose  will  continue  to  make 
it  indispensable  to  the  stadent  of  Welsh  Grammar. 

As  I  have  already  stated,  Sir  John's  soul  found  its 
greatest  delight  in  Welsh  poetry,  in  particular  Cerdd 
Dafod  or  alliterative  poetry  in  the  strict  metres,  and  when 
the  history  of  the  Welsh  Literature  of  this  century  comes 
to  be  written,  his  name  will  be  outstanding  as  that  of 
the  greatest  influence  in  the  renascence  of  romantic 
poetry  at  its  beginning.  It  would  be  superfluous  here  to 
describe  the  state  of  Welsh  poetry,  especially  strict  metre 
poetry  when  he.  from  innate  love  and  through  the 
influence  of  the  literary  character  of  the  topics  of  the 
Dafydd  ap  Gwilym  Society,  began  to  interest  himself 
for  its  weal.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  had  reached  its 
lowest  ebb.  The  traditions  of  the  golden  age  of  cyngìiant <Ì<1 
poetry  and  the  twenty-four  metres  had  been,  if  not  for- 
gotten,  at  least  neglected,  and  poetry  had  been  for  a  long 
time  in  thrall  to  the  tyranny  of  uncultured  critics  and 
the  barrenness  of  Eisteddfodic  themes.  The  glory  of  the 
ancient  cywyddau  and  the  artistry  of  the  old  bards  had 
vanished  and  Welsh  bardism  had  losl  its  pristine  beauty 
and  romance.  John  Morris-Jones  set  out  to  master  the 
principles  of  Welsh  versification  as  practised  by  Dafydd 
ap  Gwilym  and  his  successors  and  expounded  in  the  old 
bardic  grammars,  and  his  mastery  of  them  was  evidenced 
in  his  Awdl  Cymru  Fu  Cymru  Fydd  which  appeared  in 


272  The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones. 

Cymru,  August  1892.  This  represented  the  beginning  of 
a  new  spirit  in  Welsh  poetry,  the  creation  of  a  new 
romantic  movement  which  found  its  first  great  expression 
in  1902,  in  T.  Gwynn-Jones'  Ymadawiad  Ärthur,  the 
precursor  of  a  series  of  Eisteddfodic  odes  of  exquisite 
imagery  and  beauty. 

At  the  same  time  as  he  was  training  himself  to  become 
a  master  of  the  rules  of  strict  metre  poetry,  he  was  also 
learning  the  secrets  of  the  lyric's  charm  and  grace.  The 
first-fruits  of  this  were  his  translations  from  Heine  which 
appeared  in  Cymru  Fydd  and  Cymru  from  1890  onwards, 
and  from  them  emanated  that  lyrical  harvest  which 
blossomed  forth  in  the  telynegion  of  W.  J.  Gruífydd,  R. 
Silyn  Roberts,  Eifion  Wyn,  R.  Williams  Parry  and 
Wil  Ifan,  to  name  but  a  few  of  its  many  exponents. 

John  Morris-Jones  may  not  himself  have  been  a 
superlative  poet,  although  some  of  his  lyrics  are  perfect 
gems  of  their  kind.  The  unique  distinction  of  his  own 
original  poetry  and  his  translations,  as  exemplified  in  his 
beautiful  rendering  of  the  Rubaiyat  of  Omar  Khayyâm, 
was  their  perfection  of  form.  They  are  masterpieces  of 
artistic  symmetry,  betokening  not  so  much  the  glowing 
passion  of  great  poetic  genius  as  the  infinite  care  of  a  born 
grammarian  who  loved  poetry  for  its  beauty  of  workman- 
ship  and  grandeur  of  language.  But  if  he  was  not  himself 
a  creator  of  great  poetry,  he  was  the  indirect  instrument 
of  its  creation,  and  we  are  indebted  to  him,  more  than  to 
anyone  else,  for  having  by  precept  and  example  initiated 
a  new  era  of  great  poetic  brilliance. 

He  excelled  in  his  lmowledge  of  the  principles  of 
strict  versification,  a  knowledge  which  he  imparted  in 
several  ways.  In  the  Zeitschrift  für  Ceìtische  Philoiogie 
(1901)  appeared  his  Welsh  V 'ersification ;  in  the  Trans- 
actions  of  the  Hon.  Soc.  of  Cymmrodorion  (1908-9)  was 


The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones.  27 


1 


printed  his  paper  on  Tudur  Aled  as  one  of  the  greatest  of 
cynghanedd  poets  ;  and  in  1925  was  published  his  Cerdd 
Dafod  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  final  statement  of 
the  rules  of  cynghanedd  and  the  analysis  of  the  twenty- 
four  metres.  A  future  student  may  combat  his  theories 
upon  their  development,  but  none  will  ever  deny  their 
brilliance.  Exposition  of  the  rules  of  cynghanedd  was 
also  one  of  the  features  of  his  lectures  in  the  College  at 
Bangor,  and  it  may  be  truly  said  that  no  bardic  teacher 
ever  had  so  many  disciples  as  the  hundreds  of  students 
that  learnt  the  rudiments  of  cynghanedd  at  his  feet.  Will 
they  ever  forget  the  joy  and  the  abandon  with  which  he 
recited  his  favourite  lines  and  couplets  ?  By  the  majority 
of  his  countrymen,  however,  he  will  be  remembered  as 
the  deliverer  par  exceUence  of  the  adjudication  of  the  odes 
in  the  Chair  competition  of  the  National  Eisteddfod.  It 
was  not  because  his  voice  was  resonant  or  melodious  that 
he  enchanted  the  thousands,  but  because  it  possessed  some 
indefinable  charm  of  intonation,  amounting  almost  to 
mellifluence,  that  proclaimed  its  owner  to  be  a  thorough 
master  of  poetic  diction  and  an  ardent  lover  of  alliterative 
poetry. 

From  the  Eisteddfod  at  Llandudno  in  1896  onwards, 
he  served  as  chief  adjudicator  of  the  Chair  odes  at  some 
eighteen  National  Eisteddfodau,  and  the  standards  of 
criticism  which  he  had  learnt  from  the  old  poetry  and  had 
already  set  in  his  own  compositions,  became  a  guarantee 
of  the  permanent  poetic  value  of  the  successful  ode.  I  do 
not  suppose  that  he  ever  set  any  store  by  the  "  winning  ' 
of  the  Chair,  but  as  the  guardian  of  his  country's  poetry 
and  inasmuch  as  the  Eisteddfod  competition  was  a  natural 
outlet  for  its  genius,  he  gave  to  the  national  festival 
unstinted  and  invaluable  service. 

His  genuine  affection  for  the  ancient  glory  of  Welsh 

u 


274  The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones. 

poetry  made  him  rightly  jealous  of  its  honour  and  genuine- 
ness.  This  led  him  in  the  first  instance  to  attack  merci- 
lessly  the  claims  of  the  Gorsedd  in  a  series  of  articles  in 
Cymru  1896.  It  was  not  the  Gorsedd  per  se  that  incurred 
his  wrath  but  its  spurious  claims,  the  extreme  futility  of 
which  can  best  be  gathered  from  the  fatuity  of  Morien's 
replies  in  the  same  volume  of  that  periodical .  It  was  this 
very  love,  too,  that  made  him  champion  the  genuineness 
of  the  historical  poems  of  Taliesin  and  the  other  ancient 
bards  in  Vol.  XXVIII  of  the  Cymmrodor,  and  Welsh 
scholars  will  be  for  ever  grateful  that  an  impugnment  of 
their  genuineness  evoked  a  reply  that  contained,  not  alone 
a  wealth  of  information,  but  so  much  valuable  guidance 
for  subsequent  elucidation  of  their  linguistic  difnculties. 
The  arguments  advanced  in  Taìiesin  are  final  and  irrefut- 
able,  and  the  volume  constitutes  one  of  its  author's  chief 
contributions  to  the  study  of  Old  Welsh. 

I  have  written  of  Sir  John  Morris-Jones'  services  to 
Wales  and  its  literature,  not  of  him  as  a  man  and  a  friend. 
It  were  possible  to  devote  pages  to  describe  his  artistic 
and  mechanical  skill,  his  simple  character  and  unsophisti- 
cated  nature,  and  of  his  kind  hospitality,  for  in  his  home 
at  Llanfair,  Lady  Morris-Jones  and  he  preserved  the  best 
traditions  of  true  Welsh  culture,  and  in  the  genuine 
Welsh  atmosphere  of  that  home-life  he  was  the  perfect 
gicr  bonheddig  Cymreig. 

My  own  indebtedness  to  him  as  my  teacher  and  mentor 
cannot  be  set  down  in  words.  Well  I  remember  my  first 
interview  with  him  in  registering  as  a  student  in  the  old 
College  at  Bangor,  how  I  was  filled  with  admiration  for 
one  whom  I  had  already  learnt  to  respect  even  in  my  boy- 
hood  days.  This  admiration  became  intensified  with  the 
passing  of  years,  and  I  recollect  the  pride  which  I  felt  on 
being  invited  by  Sir  John  Rhys  to  lunch  at  the  Principal's 


The  late  Sir  John  Morris-Jones.  275 

Lodgings  in  Jesus  College  and  meet  my  old  Professor  and 
Sir  Henry  Jones.  What  joy  it  was  to  listen  afterwards  to 
their  conversation  upstairs  in  the  library  !  And  twenty 
years  later  in  the  spring  of  1927,  when  the  National 
University  of  Ireland  conferred  upon  him  the  honorary 
degree  of  D.Litt.  Celt. ,  I  took  a  personal  pride  in  the 
honour  which  he  had  so  well  merited. 

In  the  death  of  Sir  John  Morris-Jones,  Welsh  scholar- 
ship  has  lost  its  pre-eminent  figure,  Welsh  liíerature  its 
supreme  champion,  and  Welsh  culture  its  paramount 
exemplar. 

Llaw  Dduw  a  fu'n  lladd  awen, 
Lladd  enaid  holl  ddwned  hen  ! 
Saer  nid  oes,  eisiau'r  un  dyn, 

Ar  goed  awdl  na'r  gwawdodyn 

Bwrw  brawdwr  y  gerddwriaeth, 
Beth  a  ŵyr  neb  eithr  a  wnaeth  ? 


AftBW 


DA       y  Cymmrodor 
700 

C9 

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